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{{otros usos|Gladiator|película
[[Archivo:Gladiators from the Zliten mosaic 3.JPG|miniatura|upright=1.7|Fragmento del [[mosaico de Zliten]], hallado cerca de [[Leptis Magna]], actual [[Libia]] (siglo II d. C.). Muestra varios tipos de gladiadores en acción.]]
Un '''gladiador''' (del latín: ''gladiātor'', de ''[[gladius]]'' 'espada')<ref>{{Cita DLE|gladiador}}</ref><ref name="britannica">{{cita enciclopedia |título=Gladiator |fecha=20 de febrero de 2019 |enciclopedia=Encyclopaedia Britannica |autor=Britannica Staff |url=https://www.britannica.com/sports/gladiator}}</ref> era un combatiente armado que entretenía al público durante la [[República romana|República]] y el [[Imperio romano]] en confrontaciones violentas contra otros gladiadores, animales salvajes y condenados a muerte. Algunos gladiadores eran voluntarios que arriesgaban sus vidas y su posición legal y social al presentarse en la arena. La mayoría eran menospreciados por ser esclavos, educados en duras condiciones, marginados socialmente y marginados, y segregados incluso tras la muerte. Independientemente de su origen, los gladiadores ofrecían a los espectadores un modelo de la ética militar de Roma y, al combatir o morir con dignidad, podían inspirar admiración y reconocimiento popular.
Su origen es dudoso. Hay evidencias de esta práctica en los ritos funerarios durante las [[guerras púnicas]] del siglo III a. C., y pronto se convirtió en un rasgo esencial de la política y de la vida social del mundo romano. Su popularidad conllevó que se utilizaran en ''[[ludi]]'' cada vez más lujosos y costosos.
Los juegos de gladiadores se prolongaron durante casi mil años, alcanzando su apogeo entre el siglo I a. C. y el siglo II d. C. Finalmente decayeron durante los primeros años del siglo V tras la adopción del [[cristianismo]] como religión estatal del Imperio romano en 380, aunque las ''[[venatio]]'' (caza de bestias) continuó hasta el siglo VI.
Se les representó tanto en la [[alta cultura]] como en la [[cultura popular]], en objetos preciosos o comunes en todo el [[Cultura de la Antigua Roma|mundo romano]].
== Historia ==
=== Orígenes ===
[[Archivo:Fronton marmol anfiteatro romano de Merida.JPG|miniatura|Relieve de gladiadores en el [[anfiteatro de Mérida]], España.]]
Las primeras fuentes bibliográficas pocas veces coinciden sobre el origen de los gladiadores y los juegos de gladiadores.{{Harvnp|Welch|2007|p=17}}{{Harvnp|Kyle|1998|p=82}} A finales del siglo I a. C., [[Nicolás de Damasco]] consideraba que provenían de la costumbre de los [[etruscos]] de celebrar combates a espada entre parejas en los funerales.{{Harvnp|Mañas|2011|pp=59-60, 328}}{{Harvnp|Welch|2007|pp=16-17|ps=Citando la opinión de [[Posidonio]] sobre un origen celta y la de [[Hermipo]] de un origen [[Mantinea|mantineo]] (y por lo tanto [[Antigua Grecia|griego]])}} Una generación más tarde, [[Tito Livio]] escribió que se realizaron por primera vez en el año 310 a. C. por los [[Región de Campania|campanios]] en celebración de su victoria sobre los [[samnitas]].{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|pp=4-7|ps=Citando a Livio, 9.40.17}}{{Harvnp|Mañas|2011|pp=58, 85}} Mucho tiempo después de dejarse de celebrar de los juegos, el erudito [[Isidoro de Sevilla]], del siglo VII d. C., derivó el término latino ''lanista'' (gerente de gladiadores) de la palabra etrusca para «carnicero»,{{Harvnp|Mañas|2011|p=61}} y el título de ''caronte'' (asistente vestido como [[Caronte (mitología)|Caronte]] que comprobaba la muerte del gladiador){{Harvnp|Hubbard|2016|p=182}} venía de [[Charun]], [[psicopompo]] del submundo etrusco.{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|pp=14-15}} Esta opinión fue aceptada y repetida en la mayoría de las primeras historias modernas de los juegos.{{Harvnp|Welch|2007|p=11}}
Una revisión de los testimonios pictóricos respalda un origen campanio, o al menos un préstamo, de los gladiadores y los juegos.{{Harvnp|Welch|2007|p=18}}{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|pp=3-5}} Campania albergó las primeras escuelas de gladiadores conocidas (''ludi'').{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|p=4}}{{Harvnp|Potter|Mattingly|1999|p=226}} [[Fresco]]s en tumbas de la ciudad campaniana de [[Paestum]] (siglo IV a. C.) muestran parejas de luchadores, con cascos, lanzas y escudos, en un propiciatorio rito de sangre funerario que anticipa los primeros juegos de gladiadores romanos.{{Harvnp|Potter|Mattingly|1999|p=226|ps=Paestum fue colonizada por Roma en 273 a. C.}} En comparación con estas imágenes, la prueba de respaldo de las pinturas de tumbas etruscas es dudosa y tardía. Los frescos de Paestum pueden representar la continuación de una tradición mucho más antigua, adquirida o heredada de los colonos griegos del siglo VIII a. C.{{Harvnp|Welch|2007|pp=15, 18}}
Livio sitúa los primeros juegos de gladiadores romanos (264 a. C.) en la primera etapa de la [[primera guerra púnica]] de la [[República romana]] contra [[Estado púnico|Cartago]], cuando Decimus Iunius Brutus Scaeva hizo que tres parejas de gladiadores lucharan hasta la muerte en el Foro del mercado de animales de Roma ([[Foro Boario]]) para honrar a su padre muerto, Brutus Pera.{{Harvnp|Mañas|2011|p=87}} Se describe como un ''munus'' (plural: ''munera''), un deber memorial que sus descencientes debían a los [[Manes (mitología)|manes]] de un antepasado muerto.{{Harvnp|Welch|2007|pp=18-19|ps=El relato de Livio (resumen 16) sitúa la caza de bestias y gladiadores ''munera'' dentro de este sencillo ''munus''.}}{{refn|Una única fuente posterior describe al tipo de gladiador como ''[[thraex]]''. Ver {{Harvtxt|Welch|2007|p=19}}, citando a Ausanius: Séneca simplemente dice que eran «cautivos de guerra».|group="n"}} El desarrollo de los ''munus'' y sus [[Anexo:Tipos de gladiadores|tipos de gladiadores]] se vio influenciado en gran medida por el apoyo de [[Samnio]] a [[Aníbal]] y las subsiguientes expediciones punitivas contra los samnitas por parte de Roma y sus aliados campanos; el tipo de gladiador más antiguo y mencionado con mayor frecuencia fue el [[Samnita (gladiador)|samnita]].<ref>{{Harvtxt|Wiedemann|1992|p=33}}; {{Harvtxt|Kyle|1998|p=2}}; {{Harvtxt|Kyle|2007|p=273}}. Las evidencias del término «samnita» utilizado como insulto en textos anteriores se desvanece a medida que Samnium se incorpora a la República.</ref>
{{cita|Una lucha igualmente dura y un triunfo igualmente brillante caracterizaron la campaña que siguió inmediatamente a continuación contra los samnitas. Además de sus habituales preparativos bélicos, habían construido unas nuevas armaduras brillantes con las que sus tropas aparecían resplandecientes. Había dos ejércitos, el uno tenía sus escudos labrados de oro y el otro de plata. [...] Los romanos ya sabían del esplendor de sus armaduras, y sus jefes les habían enseñado que un soldado debía inspirar miedo, no por estar cubierto de oro y plata, sino por su confianza en su valor y su espada. [...] El Senado decretó un triunfo para el [[Dictador (Antigua Roma)|dictador]]. Con mucho, la mejor visión de la procesión fueron las armaduras capturadas [...] Mientras los romanos usaban estas armaduras para honrar a los dioses, los campanos, llenos de desprecio y odio hacia los samnitas, hicieron que las llevasen los gladiadores que actuaban en sus banquetes y los llamaron, desde entonces, «samnitas».<ref>Livio ''Ab Urbe Condita'', 9.40, citado en {{Harvtxt|Futrell|2006|pp=4-5}}. La [https://historicodigital.com/download/tito%20livio%20i.pdf traducción al español] es la de Antonio D. Duarte Sánchez de la [http://mcadams.posc.mu.edu/txt/ah/Livy/Livy09.html traducción al inglés] de Canon Roberts en Titus Livius, ''The History of Rome, Vol. 2'' (1905).</ref>}}
El relato de Livio soslaya la función funeraria y de sacrificio de los primeros combates de gladiadores romanos y refleja el carácter teatral posterior del espectáculo de gladiadores romanos: bárbaros espléndidos, exóticamente armados y acorazados, traidores y degenerados, dominados por el poder y el coraje natural del pueblo romano.{{Harvnp|Kyle|1998|p=67, nota 84|ps=Las obras publicadas de Livio suelen estar adornadas con detalles retóricos ilustrativos.}} Los humildes romanos dedican virtuosamente el magnífico botín de guerra a los dioses. Sus aliados campanos escenifican una cena con gladiadores que pueden no ser samnitas, pero que desempeñan ese papel. Otros grupos y tribus se unirían a la lista de reparto a medida que se expandían los territorios romanos. La mayoría de los gladiadores utilizaban armas y elementos de protección a semejanza de los enemigos de Roma, nunca con el uniforme o armamento de los soldados romanos.{{Harvnp|Mañas|2011|p=144}}{{refn|Los ''velutes'' y, posteriormente, los ''provocatores'' fueron una excepción, más como «historizados» que como tipos romanos contemporáneos. Ver [[Anexo:Tipos de gladiadores|tipos de gladiadores]].|group="n"}} El ''munus'' se convirtió en una forma moralmente instructiva de representación histórica en la que la única opción honorable para el gladiador era luchar bien, o morir bien.{{Harvnp|Kyle|1998|pp=80-81}}
===
En el año 216 a. C., a la muerte del [[Cónsul romano|cónsul]] y [[augur]] [[Marco Emilio Lépido (cónsul 232 a. C.)|Marco Emilio Lépido]], fue honrado por sus hijos con tres días de ''gladiatora munera'' en el [[Foro Romano]], en el que participaron veintidós parejas de gladiadores. Diez años más tarde, Escipión Africano ofreció un munus conmemorativo en Iberia para su padre y su tío, víctimas de las Guerras Púnicas. No romanos de alto estatus, y posiblemente también romanos, se ofrecieron como sus gladiadores.{{Harvnp|Welch|2007|p=21|ps=Citando a Livio, 23.30.15. Los Aemilii Lepidii eran una de las familias más importantes de Roma de la época, y probablemente poseían una escuela de gladiadores (''ludus'')}} Diez años más tarde, [[Escipión el Africano]] ofreció un ''munus'' conmemorativo en Hispania para su padre y su tío, víctimas de las guerras púnicas. No romanos de alto estatus, y posiblemente también romanos, se ofrecieron como sus gladiadores.
{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|pp=8-9}} En el contexto de las guerras púnicas y la casi desastrosa derrota de Roma en la [[batalla de Cannas]] (216 a. C.) vinculan estos primeros juegos con la generosidad, la celebración de la victoria militar y la expiación religiosa de la catástrofe militar; estos ''munera'' parecen al servicio de un programa de levantamiento de la moral en una época de amenaza y expansión militar.{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|p=30}} El siguiente ''munus'' registrado, celebrado con motivo del funeral de [[Publio Licinio Craso Dives|Publio Licinio]] en 183 a. C., fue más extravagante. Fueron de tres días de juegos funerarios, 120 gladiadores y distribución pública de carne (''visceratio data''),<ref>Livio, 39.46.2.</ref> una práctica que reflejaba las luchas de gladiadores en los banquetes de Campania descritos por Livio y luego deplorados por [[Silio Itálico]].{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|pp=4-5|ps=Citando a Silio Itálico.}}
La entusiasta adopción de la ''gladiatoria munera'' por parte de los aliados ibéricos de Roma muestra con qué facilidad y cuán pronto, la cultura del ''munus'' gladiatorio caló en lugares lejos de la propia Roma. En el 174 a. C., «pequeñas» ''munera'' romanas (privadas o públicas), ofrecidas por un ''editor'' de relativamente poca importancia, pueden haber sido tan comunes y poco destacables que no se consideraban dignas de ser registradas:{{Harvnp|Welch|2007|p=21}}
{{cita|En ese año se celebraron muchos juegos de gladiadores, algunos poco importantes, uno más notable que el resto, el de [[Tito Quincio Flaminino|Tito Flaminino]], que conmemoró la muerte de su padre, que duró cuatro días, y estuvo acompañado por una distribución pública de carnes, un banquete y actuaciones escénicas. El punto culminante del espectáculo, que era grande para la época, fue que en tres días lucharon setenta y cuatro gladiadores.<ref>Livio, ''Annal for the Year 174 BC'' (citado en {{Harvtxt|Welch|2007|p=21}}).</ref>}}
En el año 105 a. C. los cónsules gobernantes ofrecieron a Roma su primera muestra de «combate [[bárbaro]]» patrocinado por el Estado y llevado a cabo por gladiadores de Capua, como parte de un programa de entrenamiento para los militares.{{Harvnp|Mañas|2011|pp=91-92, 255 (nota 680)}} Resultó ser inmensamente popular.{{Harvnp|Wiedemann|1992|pp=6-7|ps=Citando a Valerio Máximo, 2.3.2.}} A partir de entonces, los torneos de gladiadores antes restringidos a los ''munera'' privados se incluyeron a menudo en los juegos estatales (''[[ludi]]'')<ref name="ludus" group="n">Los juegos siempre se denominaban en plural, como ''ludi''; las escuelas de gladiadores también eran conocidas como ''ludi'' cuando se hablaba en plural. En singular, tanto un juego como una escuela era un ''ludus''; ver 1 a 2.C en Lewis y Short ([http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text.jsp?doc=Perseus:text:1999.04.0059:entry=lu_dus Perseus Project])</ref> que acompañaban a los principales festivales religiosos. Donde el ''ludi'' tradicional había sido dedicado a una deidad, como [[Júpiter (mitología)|Júpiter]], el ''munera'' podía dedicarse a un ancestro divino o heroico de un patrocinador aristócrata.{{Harvnp|Lintott|2004|p=183}}
=== Apogeo ===
[[Archivo:Retiarius stabs secutor (color).jpg|miniatura|Un ''[[Reciario|retiarius]]'' ataca a un ''[[secutor]]'' con su tridente en este mosaico de una villa de Nennig, Alemania (''c''. siglos II y III d. C.)]]
Los juegos de gladiadores ofrecían a sus financiadores oportunidades de autopromoción extravagantemente caras pero efectivas, y ofrecían a sus ''cliens''{{Refn|El patrocinio (''clientela'') era la relación particular en la antigua sociedad romana entre el ''patronus'' (plural ''patroni'', 'patrón') y sus ''cliens'' (plural ''clientes'', 'cliente'). La relación era jerárquica, pero las obligaciones eran mutuas. El ''patronus'' era el protector, patrocinador y benefactor del ''cliens''; el término técnico para esta protección era ''patrocinium''.<ref>Quinn, K., «Poet and Audience in the Augustan Age», ''Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt'' II.30.1 (1982), p. 117.</ref> Aunque por lo general el cliente era de una clase social inferior,<ref>Ripley, George; Dana, Charles A. (eds.) (1879) [https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/The_American_Cyclop%C3%A6dia_(1879)/Client Client]. ''[[New American Cyclopedia]]''.</ref> un patrocinador y un cliente podrían tener el mismo rango social, pero el primero poseería una mayor riqueza, poder o prestigio que les permitiría ayudar o hacer favores al cliente (los ciudadanos con un linaje respetable con problemas de dinero o endeudados podrían tener que buscar el patrocinio de libertos ricos, a pesar de que estaban considerados inferiores y no eran ciudadanos). Entre los beneficios que un patrocinador puede conferir se incluyen la representación legal en los tribunales, los préstamos de dinero, la influencia en los negocios o matrimonios, o el apoyo a la candidatura de un cliente para un cargo político o un sacerdocio. A cambio, se esperaba que los clientes ofrecieran sus servicios a su patrocinador según fuera necesario.{{Harvnp|Dillon|Garland|2005|p=87}}|group="n"}} y votantes potenciales un entretenimiento emocionante a un bajo costo o sin coste alguno para ellos mismos.{{Harvnp|Mouritsen|2001|p=97}}{{Harvnp|Coleman|1990|p=50}} Los gladiadores se convirtieron en un gran negocio para los entrenadores y propietarios, para los políticos en ciernes y para aquellos que habían llegado a la cima y deseaban mantenerse en ella. Un ''privatus'' (ciudadano privado) políticamente ambicioso podía posponer el ''munus'' de su difunto padre hasta el momento de las elecciones, cuando un espectáculo generoso podía captar votos; los que estaban en el poder y los que lo buscaban necesitaban el apoyo de los [[plebe]]yos y de sus [[Tribuno de la plebe|tribunos]], cuyos votos podían obtenerse con la mera promesa de un espectáculo excepcionalmente bueno.<ref>{{Harvtxt|Kyle|2007|p=287}}; {{Harvtxt|Mouritsen|2001|pp=32, 109-111}}. Aproximadamente el 12 % de la población masculina adulta de Roma podía votar; pero estos eran los más ricos e influyentes entre los ciudadanos y merecía la pena que los políticos se interesaran por ellos.</ref> [[Sila]], durante su mandato como [[pretor]], con ocasión del funeral de su esposa demostró su habitual perspicacia al quebrantar sus propias leyes suntuarias para ofrecer el ''munus'' más lujoso que se había visto hasta entonces en Roma.{{Harvnp|Kyle|2007|p=285}}
{{En desarrollo|Furado}}
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In the closing years of the politically and socially unstable Late Republic, any aristocratic owner of gladiators had political muscle at his disposal.{{Harvnp|Kyle|2007|p=287|ps=Como los gladiadores de César con base en Capua, traídos a Roma como un ejército privado para impresionar e intimidar.}}{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|p=24|ps=Las bandas de gladiadores fueron utilizadas por César y otros para intimidar y «persuadir».}}{{Harvnp|Mouritsen|2001|p=61|ps=Los gladiadores podrían incorporarse para servir a las familias nobles; algunos esclavos domésticos podrían haber sido criados y entrenados para ello.}} In 65 BC, newly elected [[curule aedile]] [[Julius Caesar]] held games that he justified as ''munus'' to his father, who had been dead for 20 years. Despite an already enormous personal debt, he used 320 gladiator pairs in silvered armour.{{Harvnp|Mouritsen|2001|p=97|ps=Para más detalles, ver Plutarco ''Julio César'', 5.4.}} He had more available in Capua but the Senate, mindful of the recent [[Spartacus]] revolt and fearful of Caesar's burgeoning private armies and rising popularity, imposed a limit of 320 pairs as the maximum number of gladiators any citizen could keep in Rome.{{Harvnp|Kyle|2007|pp=285-287|ps=Ver también Plinio ''Historia natural'', 33.16.53.}} Caesar's showmanship was unprecedented in scale and expense;{{Harvnp|Kyle|2007|pp=280, 287}} he had staged a ''munus'' as memorial rather than funeral rite, eroding any practical or meaningful distinction between ''munus'' and ''ludi''.{{Harvnp|Wiedemann|1992|pp=8-10}}
Gladiatorial games, usually linked with beast shows, spread throughout the Republic and beyond.{{Harvnp|Welch|2007|p=21|ps=Antíoco IV Epífanes de Grecia estaba ansioso por eclipsar a sus aliados romanos, pero los gladiadores se estaban volviendo cada vez más caros y, para ahorrar costes, todos los suyos eran voluntarios locales.}} Anti-corruption laws of 65 and 63 BC attempted but failed to curb the political usefulness of the games to their sponsors.{{Harvnp|Kyle|2007|p=280|ps=Citando a Cicerón ''Lex Tullia de ambitu''}} Following Caesar's assassination and the [[Roman Civil War]], [[Augustus]] assumed Imperial authority over the games, including ''munera'', and formalised their provision as a civic and religious duty.{{Harvnp|Richlin|1992|p=184}} His revision of sumptuary law capped private and public expenditure on ''munera'', claiming to save the Roman elite from the bankruptcies they would otherwise suffer, and restricted their performance to the festivals of [[Saturnalia]] and [[Quinquatria]].{{Harvnp|Wiedemann|1992|p=45|ps=Citando a Dion Casio, 54.2.3-4}} Henceforth, the ceiling cost for a [[praetor]]'s "economical" official ''munus'' employing a maximum 120 gladiators was to be 25,000 denarii; a "generous" Imperial ''ludi'' might cost no less than 180,000 denarii.<ref>Prices in denarii cited in "Venationes," [http://penelope.uchicago.edu/~grout/encyclopaedia_romana/gladiators/venationes.html ''Encyclopaedia Romana''].</ref> Throughout the Empire, the greatest and most celebrated games would now be identified with the state-sponsored [[Imperial cult (ancient Rome)|Imperial cult]], which furthered public recognition, respect and approval for the Emperor's divine [[numen]], his laws, and his agents.{{Harvnp|Auguet|1994|p=30|ps=Cada uno de los juegos de Augusto contaba con un promedio de 625 parejas de gladiadores.}}{{Harvnp|Lintott|2004|p=183}} Between 108 and 109 AD, [[Trajan]] celebrated his [[Dacia]]n victories using a reported 10,000 gladiators and 11,000 animals over 123 days.{{Harvnp|Richlin|1992|p=181|ps=Citando a Dion Casio, 68.15}} The cost of gladiators and ''munera'' continued to spiral out of control. Legislation of 177 AD by [[Marcus Aurelius]] did little to stop it, and was completely ignored by his son, [[Commodus]].{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|p=48}}
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== Organización ==
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The earliest ''[[Munera (ancient Rome)|munera]]'' took place at or near the tomb of the deceased and these were organised by their ''munerator'' (who made the offering). Later games were held by an ''editor'', either identical with the ''munerator'' or an official employed by him. As time passed, these titles and meanings may have merged.{{Harvnp|Kyle|1998|p=80}} In the Republican era, private citizens could own and train gladiators, or lease them from a ''lanista'' (owner of a gladiator training school). From the Principate onwards, private citizens could hold munera and own gladiators only under Imperial permission, and the role of ''editor'' was increasingly tied to state officialdom. Legislation by [[Claudius]] required that [[quaestor]]s, the lowest rank of Roman magistrate, personally subsidise two-thirds of the costs of games for their small-town communities - in effect, both an advertisement of their personal generosity and a part-purchase of their office. Bigger games were put on by senior magistrates, who could better afford them. The largest and most lavish of all were paid for by the emperor himself.{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|p=43}}{{Harvnp|Wiedemann|1992|pp=440-446}}
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== Los gladiadores ==
{{AP|Anexo:Tipos de gladiadores|l2=Tipos de gladiadores}}
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The earliest types of gladiator were named after Rome's enemies of that time: the [[Samnite (gladiator type)|Samnite]], [[Thraex|Thracian]] and [[List of Roman gladiator types#Gallus|Gaul]]. The Samnite, heavily armed, elegantly helmed and probably the most popular type, was renamed [[secutor]] and the Gaul renamed [[murmillo]], once these former enemies had been conquered then absorbed into Rome's Empire. In the mid-republican ''munus'', each type seems to have fought against a similar or identical type. In the later Republic and early Empire, various "fantasy" types were introduced, and were set against dissimilar but complementary types. For example, the bareheaded, nimble [[retiarius]] ("net-man"), armoured only at the left arm and shoulder, pitted his net, trident and dagger against the more heavily armoured, helmeted Secutor.{{Harvnp|Kyle|2007|p=313}} Most depictions of gladiators show the most common and popular types. Passing literary references to others has allowed their tentative reconstruction. Other novelties introduced around this time included gladiators who fought from [[Essedarius|chariots or carts]], or from [[Eques (ancient Rome)|horseback]].
The trade in gladiators was empire-wide, and subjected to official supervision. Rome's military success produced a supply of soldier-prisoners who were redistributed for use in State mines or amphitheatres and for sale on the open market. For example, in the aftermath of the [[First Jewish-Roman War|Jewish Revolt]], the gladiator schools received an influx of Jews - those rejected for training would have been sent straight to the arenas as ''noxii'' (lit. [[wiktionary:noxius#Latin|"hurtful ones"]]).<ref>Josefo. ''The Jewish War'', 6.418, 7.37-40; {{Harvtxt|Kyle|1998|p=93}}. Los ''noxii'' eran la más detestable de las categorías criminales en la ley romana.</ref> The best - the most robust - were sent to Rome. In Rome's military ethos, enemy soldiers who had surrendered or allowed their own capture and enslavement had been granted an unmerited gift of life. Their training as gladiators would give them opportunity to redeem their honour in the ''munus''.{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|pp=120-125}}
[[Archivo:Jean-Leon Gerome Pollice Verso.jpg|miniatura|''[[Pollice Verso (Gérôme)|Pollice Verso]]'' ("With a Turned Thumb"), an 1872 painting by [[Jean-Léon Gérôme]]]]
Two other sources of gladiators, found increasingly during the Principate and the relatively low military activity of the [[Pax Romana]], were slaves condemned to the arena (''damnati''), to gladiator schools or games (''ad ludum gladiatorium'')<ref name="ludus" group="n" /> as punishment for crimes, and the paid volunteers (''[[wiktionary:auctoro#Latin|auctorati]]'') who by the late Republic may have comprised approximately half - and possibly the most capable half - of all gladiators.<ref>{{Harvtxt|Futrell|2006|p=124}}. Ver también la acusación de Dion Casio de ser apresado por delatores para proporcionar «esclavos de la arena» bajo Claudio; {{Harvtxt|Futrell|2006|p=103}}, "«the best gladiators»", Futrell cita a Petronio ''Satiricón'', 45.</ref> The use of volunteers had a precedent in the Iberian ''munus'' of [[Scipio Africanus]]; but none of those had been paid.{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|pp=8-9}}
For the poor, and for non-citizens, enrollment in a gladiator school offered a trade, regular food, housing of sorts and a fighting chance of fame and fortune. [[Mark Antony]] chose a troupe of gladiators to be his personal bodyguard.{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|p=129|ps=Citando a Dion Casio}} Gladiators customarily kept their prize money and any gifts they received, and these could be substantial. [[Tiberius]] offered several retired gladiators 100,000 ''sesterces'' each to return to the arena.<ref>Suetonio ''Vidas'', «Tiberio», [http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/ancient/suet-tiberius-rolfe.html 7].</ref> [[Nero]] gave the gladiator Spiculus property and residence "equal to those of men who had celebrated triumphs."<ref>Suetonio ''Vidas'', «Nerón», [http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/ancient/suet-nero-rolfe.html 30]</ref>
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=== Mujeres ===
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{{main|Gladiatrix}}
From the 60s AD [[female gladiator]]s appear as rare and "exotic markers of exceptionally lavish spectacle".{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|pp=153-156}} In 66 AD, [[Nero]] had Ethiopian women, men and children fight at a ''munus'' to impress the King [[Tiridates I of Armenia|Tiridates I]] of [[Kingdom of Armenia (antiquity)|Armenia]].{{Harvnp|Wiedemann|1992|p=112}}{{Harvnp|Jacobelli|2003|p=17|ps=Citando a Dion Casio, 62.3.1}} Romans seem to have found the idea of a female gladiator novel and entertaining, or downright absurd; Juvenal titillates his readers with a woman named "Mevia", hunting boars in the arena "with spear in hand and breasts exposed",{{Harvnp|Jacobelli|2003|p=17|ps=Citando a Juvenal ''Sátiras'', 1.22-1.23}} and Petronius mocks the pretensions of a rich, low-class citizen, whose ''munus'' includes a woman fighting from a cart or chariot.{{Harvnp|Jacobelli|2003|p=18|ps=Citando a Petronio ''El Satiricón'', 45.7}} A ''munus'' of 89 AD, during [[Domitian]]'s reign, featured a battle between female gladiators, described as "Amazons".{{Harvnp|Jacobelli|2003|p=18|ps=Citando a Dion Casio 67.8.4, Suetonio ''Domiciano'' 4.2, y Estacio ''Silvae'' 1.8.51-1.8.56: ver también Brunet (2014) p. 480}} In Halicarnassus, a 2nd-century AD relief depicts two female combatants named "Amazon" and "Achillia"; their match ended in a draw.{{Harvnp|Jacobelli|2003|p=18}}{{Harvnp|Potter|2010|p=408}} In the same century, an epigraph praises one of [[Ostia Antica|Ostia]]'s local elite as the first to "arm women" in the history of its games.{{Harvnp|Jacobelli|2003|p=18}} Female gladiators probably submitted to the same regulations and training as their male counterparts.{{Harvnp|Potter|2010|p=408}} Roman morality required that all gladiators be of the lowest social classes, and emperors who failed to respect this distinction earned the scorn of posterity. [[Cassius Dio]] takes pains to point out that when the much admired emperor [[Titus]] used female gladiators, they were of acceptably low class.{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|pp=153-156}}
Some regarded female gladiators of any type or class as a symptom of corrupted Roman appetites, morals and womanhood. Before he became emperor, [[Septimius Severus]] may have attended the [[Antioch]]ene Olympic Games, which had been revived by the emperor [[Commodus]] and included traditional Greek female athletics. His attempt to give Rome a similarly dignified display of female athletics was met by the crowd with ribald chants and cat-calls.{{Harvnp|Potter|2010|p=407}} Probably as a result, he banned the use of female gladiators in 200 AD.{{Harvnp|Jacobelli|2003|p=18|ps=Citando a Dion Casio 75.16}}{{Harvnp|Potter|2010|p=407|ps=Citando a Dion Casio 75.16.1}}
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=== Emperadores ===
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[[Caligula]], [[Titus]], [[Hadrian]], [[Lucius Verus]], [[Caracalla]], [[Publius Septimius Geta|Geta]] and [[Didius Julianus]] were all said to have performed in the arena, either in public or private, but risks to themselves were minimal.{{Harvnp|Barton|1993|p=66}} [[Claudius]], characterised by his historians as morbidly cruel and boorish, fought a whale trapped in the harbor in front of a group of spectators.{{Harvnp|Fox|2006|p=576|ps=Citando a Plinio}} Commentators invariably disapproved of such performances.{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|p=158}}
[[Commodus]] was a fanatical participant at the ''ludi'', and compelled Rome's elite to attend his performances as gladiator, ''[[Bestiarii|bestiarius]]'' or ''[[Venatio|venator]]''. Most of his performances as a gladiator were bloodless affairs, fought with wooden swords; he invariably won. He was said to have restyled Nero's colossal statue in his own image as "[[Hercules]] Reborn", dedicated to himself as "Champion of ''secutores''; only left-handed fighter to conquer twelve times one thousand men."<ref>Cassius Dio. ''Commodus'', [http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Cassius_Dio/73*.htm 73 (Epitome)]</ref> He was said to have killed 100 lions in one day, almost certainly from an elevated platform surrounding the arena perimeter, which allowed him to safely demonstrate his marksmanship. On another occasion, he decapitated a running ostrich with a specially designed dart, carried the bloodied head and his sword over to the Senatorial seats and gesticulated as though they were next.{{Harvnp|Gibbon|Womersley|2000|p=118}} As reward for these services, he drew a gigantic stipend from the public purse.<ref>Cassius Dio. ''Commodus'', [http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Cassius_Dio/73*.html 73 (Epitome)]. Commodus was assassinated and posthumously declared a public enemy but was later deified.</ref>
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== Los juegos ==
=== Preparativos ===
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Gladiator games were advertised well beforehand, on billboards that gave the reason for the game, its editor, venue, date and the number of paired gladiators (''ordinarii'') to be used. Other highlighted features could include details of ''venationes'', executions, music and any luxuries to be provided for the spectators, such as an awning against the sun, water sprinklers, food, drink, sweets and occasionally "door prizes". For enthusiasts and gamblers, a more detailed program (''libellus'') was distributed on the day of the ''munus'', showing the names, types and match records of gladiator pairs, and their order of appearance.{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|pp=85, 101, 110|ps=Basado en restos fragmentados de Pompeya y citando a Plinio ''Historia natural'', 19.23-25.}} Left-handed gladiators were advertised as a rarity; they were trained to fight right-handers, which gave them an advantage over most opponents and produced an interestingly unorthodox combination.<ref name="Coleman">{{cita web |apellido=Coleman |nombre=Kathleen |título=Gladiators: Heroes of the Roman Amphitheatre |sitioweb=BBC |fecha=17 de febrero de 2011 |fechaacceso=22 de febrero de 2019 |url=http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/ancient/romans/gladiators_01.shtml}}</ref>
The night before the ''munus'', the gladiators were given a banquet and opportunity to order their personal and private affairs; Futrell notes its similarity to a ritualistic or sacramental "last meal".<ref>Plutarco ''Moralia'', 1099B, citado en {{Harvtxt|Futrell|2006|pp=86-87}}: «Incluso entre los gladiadores, veo a aquellos que ... encuentran mayor placer en liberar a sus esclavos, y encomendar a sus esposas a sus amigos, que en satisfacer sus apetitos.»</ref> These were probably both family and public events which included even the ''noxii'', sentenced to die in the arena the following day; and the ''damnati'', who would have at least a slender chance of survival. The event may also have been used to drum up more publicity for the imminent game.{{Harvnp|Potter|Mattingly|1999|p=313}}{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|p=86|ps=Banquete gladiatorio en mosaico, El Djem.}}
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=== ''Ludi'' y ''munus'' ===
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Official ''munera'' of the early Imperial era seem to have followed a standard form (''munus legitimum'').{{Harvnp|Welch|2007|p=23}}{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|p=84}} A procession (''pompa'') entered the arena, led by [[lictors]] who bore the [[fasces]] that signified the magistrate-''editor'''s power over life and death. They were followed by a small band of trumpeters (''tubicines'') playing a fanfare. Images of the gods were carried in to "witness" the proceedings, followed by a scribe to record the outcome, and a man carrying the palm branch used to honour victors. The magistrate ''editor'' entered among a retinue who carried the arms and armour to be used; the gladiators presumably came in last.{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|p=85|ps=Ver ''[[Pompa circense|pompa circensis]]'' para la procesión similar antes de que los juegos se celebraran en el circo.}}
The entertainments often began with ''venationes'' (beast hunts) and ''bestiarii'' (beast fighters).{{refn|A veces las bestias simplemente se exhibían y salían ilesas; ver {{Harvtxt|Futrell|2006|p=88}}.|group="n"}} Next came the ''ludi meridiani'', which were of variable content but usually involved executions of ''noxii'', some of whom were condemned to be subjects of fatal re-enactments, based on Greek or Roman myths.{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|p=91}} Gladiators may have been involved in these as executioners, though most of the crowd, and the gladiators themselves, preferred the "dignity" of an even contest.{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|pp=94-95|ps=Citando a Séneca ''De la providencia'', 3.4}} There were also comedy fights; some may have been lethal. A crude Pompeian graffito suggests a burlesque of musicians, dressed as animals named ''Ursus tibicen'' (flute-playing bear) and ''Pullus cornicen'' (horn-blowing chicken), perhaps as accompaniment to clowning by ''[[List of Roman gladiator types|paegniarii]]'' during a "mock" contest of the ''ludi meridiani''.{{Harvnp|Wisdom|McBride|2001|p=18|ps=Dibujo del autor.}}
[[Archivo:Paegniarii gladiators (from Nennig mosaic).jpg|miniatura|A duel, using whip, cudgel and shields, from the Nennig mosaic (Germany)]]
The gladiators may have held informal warm-up matches, using blunted or dummy weapons - some ''munera'', however, may have used blunted weapons throughout.{{Harvnp|Carter|2004|pp=43, 46-49|ps=En las provincias orientales del Imperio de la última época, los ''archiereis'' estatales combinaron las funciones de ''editor'', sacerdote del culto imperial y ''lanista'', ofreciendo ''gladiatoria munera'' en los que el uso de armas con filo parece un honor excepcional.}} The ''editor,'' his representative or an honoured guest would check the weapons (''probatio armorum'') for the scheduled matches.{{refn|Marco Aurelio alentó el uso de armas sin filo: ver Dion Casio ''Historia romana'', [http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Cassius_Dio/72*.html#p51 71.29.4].|group="n"}} These were the highlight of the day, and were as inventive, varied and novel as the ''editor'' could afford. Armatures could be very costly - some were flamboyantly decorated with exotic feathers, jewels and precious metals. Increasingly the ''munus'' was the ''editor'''s gift to spectators who had come to expect the best as their due.{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|pp=99-100}}{{Harvnp|Wiedemann|1992|p=14}}
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=== Combate ===
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Lightly armed and armoured fighters, such as the [[retiarius]], would tire less rapidly than their heavily armed opponents; most bouts would have lasted 10 to 15 minutes, or 20 minutes at most.{{Harvnp|Potter|Mattingly|1999|p=313}} In late Republican ''munera'', between 10 and 13 matches could have been fought on one day; this assumes one match at a time in the course of an afternoon.{{Harvnp|Potter|Mattingly|1999|p=313}}
Spectators preferred to watch highly skilled, well matched ''ordinarii'' with complementary fighting styles; these were the most costly to train and to hire. A general ''[[melee]]'' of several, lower-skilled gladiators was far less costly, but also less popular. Even among the ''ordinarii'', match winners might have to fight a new, well-rested opponent, either a ''tertiarius'' ("third choice gladiator") by prearrangement; or a "substitute" gladiator (''suppositicius'') who fought at the whim of the ''editor'' as an unadvertised, unexpected "extra".{{Harvnp|Kyle|2007|pp=313-314}} This yielded two combats for the cost of three gladiators, rather than four; such contests were prolonged, and in some cases, more bloody. Most were probably of poor quality,{{Harvnp|Dunkle|2013|pp=69-71|ps=Dunkle está comentando el uso de un ''suppositicius'' (un sustituto que se usaba sólo en caso de necesidad, probablemente para prolongar una pelea concreta ya planificada) y un ''tertiarius'', citando a Petronio para este último como el que ofrece un combate de mala calidad.}} but the emperor [[Caracalla]] chose to test a notably skilled and successful fighter named Bato against first one ''supposicitius'', whom he beat, and then another, who killed him.{{Harvnp|Dunkle|2013|pp=70-71}} At the opposite level of the profession, a gladiator reluctant to confront his opponent might be whipped, or goaded with hot irons, until he engaged through sheer desperation.{{Harvnp|Fagan|2011|pp=217-218, 273, 277}}
[[Archivo:Astyanax vs Kalendio mosaic.jpg|miniatura|Mosaic at the [[National Archaeological Museum of Spain|National Archaeological Museum]] in [[Madrid]] showing a [[retiarius]] named Kalendio (shown surrendering in the upper section) fighting a [[secutor]] named Astyanax. The Ø sign by Kalendio's name implies he was killed after surrendering.]]
Combats between experienced, well trained gladiators demonstrated a considerable degree of stagecraft. Among the cognoscenti, bravado and skill in combat were esteemed over mere hacking and bloodshed; some gladiators made their careers and reputation from bloodless victories. Suetonius describes an exceptional ''munus'' by Nero, in which no-one was killed, "not even ''noxii'' (enemies of the state)."{{Harvnp|Fagan|2011|pp=217-218, 273, 277|ps=Fagan conjetura que Nerón estaba desafiando de manera perversa las expectativas de la multitud, o tal vez tratando de complacer a un tipo diferente de público.}}
Trained gladiators were expected to observe professional rules of combat. Most matches employed a senior referee (''summa rudis'') and an assistant, shown in mosaics with long staffs (''rudes'') to caution or separate opponents at some crucial point in the match. Referees were usually retired gladiators whose decisions, judgement and discretion were, for the most part, respected;<ref group="n">Aunque no siempre: el gladiador Diodoro culpa de su muerte al «Destino asesino y a la taimada traición del ''summa rudis''» y no a su propio error al no acabar con su oponente cuando tuvo la oportunidad. Ver Robert, Louis ''Les Gladiateurs dans l'Orient grec'' (1940), n.º 79 = SgO 11/02/01</ref> they could stop bouts entirely, or pause them to allow the combatants rest, refreshment and a rub-down.{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|p=101|ps=Basado en mosaicos y un relieve de una tumba de Pompeya.}}
Ludi and ''munera'' were accompanied by music, played as interludes, or building to a "frenzied crescendo" during combats, perhaps to heighten the suspense during a gladiator's appeal; blows may have been accompanied by trumpet-blasts.<ref>Las lápidas de varios músicos y gladiadores mencionan estas modulaciones; ver Fagan, pp. 225-226 y notas al pie.</ref><ref name="Coleman"/> The [[Zliten mosaic]] in Libya (circa 80-100 AD) shows musicians playing an accompaniment to provincial games (with gladiators, ''bestiarii'', or ''venatores'' and prisoners attacked by beasts). Their instruments are a long straight trumpet (''[[Lituus|tubicen]]''), a large curved horn (''[[Cornu (horn)|Cornu]]'') and a [[water organ]] (''hydraulis'').{{Harvnp|Wiedemann|1992|pp=15-16}} Similar representations (musicians, gladiators and ''bestiari'') are found on a tomb relief in [[Pompeii]].{{Harvnp|Wiedemann|1992|p=15|ps=Citando a Kraus y von Matt ''Pompei and Herculaneum'', Nueva York (1975), fig. 53}}
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=== Victoria y derrota ===
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{{See also|Pollice verso}}
A match was won by the gladiator who overcame his opponent, or killed him outright. Victors received the palm branch and an award from the ''editor''. An outstanding fighter might receive a laurel crown and money from an appreciative crowd but for anyone originally condemned ''ad ludum'' the greatest reward was manumission (emancipation), symbolised by the gift of a wooden training sword or staff (''rudis'') from the ''editor''. Martial describes a match between [[Priscus (gladiator)|Priscus]] and [[Verus (gladiator)|Verus]], who fought so evenly and bravely for so long that when both acknowledged defeat at the same instant, [[Titus]] awarded victory and a ''rudis'' to each.<ref>Martial. ''Liber de Spectaculis'', 29.</ref> Flamma was awarded the ''rudis'' four times, but chose to remain a gladiator. His gravestone in [[Sicily]] includes his record: "Flamma, ''[[secutor]]'', lived 30 years, fought 34 times, won 21 times, fought to a draw 9 times, defeated 4 times, a [[Syria (Roman province)|Syrian]] by nationality. Delicatus made this for his deserving comrade-in-arms."{{Harvnp|Kyle|2007|p=112|ps=Citando a Robert}}
A gladiator could acknowledge defeat by raising a finger (''ad digitum''), in appeal to the referee to stop the combat and refer to the ''editor'', whose decision would usually rest on the crowd's response.{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|p=101}} In the earliest ''munera'', death was considered a righteous penalty for defeat; later, those who fought well might be granted remission at the whim of the crowd or the ''editor''. During the Imperial era, matches advertised as ''sine missione'' (without remission from the sentence of death) suggest that ''missio'' (the sparing of a defeated gladiator's life) had become common practice. The contract between ''editor'' and his ''lanista'' could include compensation for unexpected deaths;{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|p=141}} this could be "some fifty times higher than the lease price" of the gladiator.<ref>M. J. Carter, "Gladiatorial Combat: The Rules of Engagement",
''The Classical Journal'', Vol. 102, No. 2 (Dec. - Jan., 2006/2007), p. 101.</ref>
Under Augustus' rule, the demand for gladiators began to exceed supply, and matches ''sine missione'' were officially banned; an economical, pragmatic development that happened to match popular notions of "natural justice". When Caligula and Claudius refused to spare defeated but popular fighters, their own popularity suffered. In general, gladiators who fought well were likely to survive.{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|pp=144-145|ps=Citando a Suetonio ''Vidas'', «Augusto», 45, «Calígula», 30, «Claudio», 34}} At a Pompeian match between chariot-fighters, Publius Ostorius, with previous 51 wins to his credit, was granted missio after losing to Scylax, with 26 victories.{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|p=85}} By common custom, the spectators decided whether or not a losing gladiator should be spared, and chose the winner in the rare event of a standing tie.{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|p=101}} Even more rarely, perhaps uniquely, one stalemate ended in the killing of one gladiator by the ''editor'' himself.{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|p=102|ps=La prueba es un mosaico estilizado de Symmachus; los espectadores elogian al ''editor'' por «hacer lo correcto».}}{{Harvnp|Barton|1989|pp=27, 28, nota 33}} In any event, the final decision of death or life belonged to the ''editor'', who signalled his choice with a gesture described by Roman sources as ''[[pollice verso]]'' meaning "with a turned thumb"; a description too imprecise for reconstruction of the gesture or its symbolism. Whether victorious or defeated, a gladiator was bound by oath to accept or implement his editor's decision, "the victor being nothing but the instrument of his [editor's] will."{{Harvnp|Barton|1989|pp=27, 28, nota 33}} Not all ''editors'' chose to go with the crowd, and not all those condemned to death for putting on a poor show chose to submit:
<blockquote>
Once a band of five ''[[retiarius|retiarii]]'' in tunics, matched against the same number of ''[[secutores]]'', yielded without a struggle; but when their death was ordered, one of them caught up his trident and slew all the victors. [[Caligula]] bewailed this in a public proclamation as a most cruel murder.<ref>Suetonius. ''Lives'', "Caligula", 30.3.</ref>
</blockquote>
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=== Muerte y eliminación ===
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A gladiator who was refused ''missio'' was despatched by his opponent. To die well, a gladiator should never ask for mercy, nor cry out.{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|p=140|ps=Citando a Cicerón ''Disputaciones tusculanas'', 2.17}} A "good death" redeemed the gladiator from the dishonourable weakness and passivity of defeat, and provided a noble example to those who watched:{{Harvnp|Wiedemann|1992|pp=38-39}}
<blockquote>
For death, when it stands near us, gives even to inexperienced men the courage not to seek to avoid the inevitable. So the gladiator, no matter how faint-hearted he has been throughout the fight, offers his throat to his opponent and directs the wavering blade to the vital spot. (Seneca. ''Epistles'', 30.8)</blockquote>
Some mosaics show defeated gladiators kneeling in preparation for the moment of death. Seneca's "vital spot" seems to have meant the neck.{{Harvnp|Edwards|2007|pp=66-67}} Gladiator remains from Ephesus confirm this.{{Harvnp|Curry|2008|ps=Señales en los huesos de varios gladiadores parecen indicar que se clavó una espada en la base de la garganta y bajó hacia el corazón.}}
[[Archivo:GladiatorFeldflasche.jpg|miniatura|A flask depicting the final phase of the fight between a ''[[murmillo]]'' (winning) and a ''[[thraex]]'']]
The body of a gladiator who had died well was placed on a couch of [[Libitina]] and removed with dignity to the arena morgue, where the corpse was stripped of armour, and probably had its throat cut to prove that dead was dead. The Christian author [[Tertullian]], commenting on ''ludi meridiani'' in Roman [[Carthage]] during the peak era of the games, describes a more humiliating method of removal. One arena official, dressed as the "brother of Jove", [[Dis Pater]] (god of the underworld) strikes the corpse with a mallet. Another, dressed as [[Mercury (mythology)|Mercury]], tests for life-signs with a heated "wand"; once confirmed as dead, the body is dragged from the arena.{{refn|En la época de Tertuliano, Mercurio se identificaba con los [[Hermes#Epítetos|psicopompos griegos de Hermes]], que llevaban a las almas al Inframundo. Tertuliano describe estos eventos como ejemplos de impiedad absoluta, en donde las deidades falsas de Roma eran aceptablemente suplantadas por personas de baja condición y asesinas con el propósito de hacer un sacrificio humano y un entretenimiento perverso. Ver {{Harvtxt|Kyle|1998|pp=155-168}}|group="n"}}
Whether these victims were gladiators or ''noxii'' is unknown. Modern pathological examination confirms the probably fatal use of a mallet on some, but not all the gladiator skulls found in a gladiators' cemetery.{{Harvnp|Grossschmidt|Kanz|2006|pp=207-216}} Kyle (1998) proposes that gladiators who disgraced themselves might have been subjected to the same indignities as ''noxii'', denied the relative mercies of a quick death and dragged from the arena as carrion. Whether the corpse of such a gladiator could be redeemed from further ignominy by friends or ''familia'' is not known.{{Harvnp|Kyle|1998|pp=40, 155-168|ps=Rituales ''Dis Pater'' y Jupiter Latiaris en Tertuliano ''Ad Nationes'', 1.10.47: Tertuliano describe la ofrenda de la sangre de un gladiador caído a [[Júpiter (mitología)|Jupiter Latiaris]] por un sacerdote oficiante —una farsa de la ofrenda de la sangre de los mártires—, pero la coloca dentro de un ''munus'' (o festival) dedicado a Jupiter Latiaris; no existe ningún otro registro de esta práctica, por lo que Tertuliano puede haberse equivocado o malinterpretado lo que vio.}}
The bodies of ''noxii'', and possibly some ''damnati'', were thrown into rivers or dumped unburied;{{Harvnp|Kyle|1998|p=14 (incluida nota 74)|ps=Kyle contextualiza el ''panem et circenses'' de Juvenal —pan y juegos como sustento para la plebe políticamente apática (''Sátiras'', 4.10)— en un relato de la muerte y ''[[Damnatio memoriae|damnatio]]'' de [[Sejano]], cuyo cuerpo fue despedazado por la multitud y abandonado sin ser enterrado.}} Denial of funeral rites and memorial condemned the shade (''manes'') of the deceased to restless wandering upon the earth as a dreadful ''[[lemures|larva'' or ''lemur]]''.<ref>Suetonius. ''Lives'', "Tiberius", 75. Suetonius has the populace wish the same fate on [[Tiberius]]'s body, a form of ''damnatio'': to be thrown in the Tiber, or left unburied, or "dragged with the hook".</ref> Ordinary citizens, slaves and freedmen were usually buried beyond the town or city limits, to avoid the ritual and physical pollution of the living; professional gladiators had their own, separate cemeteries. The taint of ''infamia'' was perpetual.{{Harvnp|Kyle|1998|pp=128-159}}
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=== Remembranzas y epitafios ===
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Gladiators could subscribe to a union (''collegia''), which ensured their proper burial, and sometimes a pension or compensation for wives and children. Otherwise, the gladiator's ''familia'', which included his ''lanista'', comrades and blood-kin, might fund his funeral and memorial costs, and use the memorial to assert their moral reputation as responsible, respectful colleagues or family members. Some monuments record the gladiator's career in some detail, including the number of appearances, victories — sometimes represented by an engraved crown or wreath — defeats, career duration, and age at death. Some include the gladiator's type, in words or direct representation: for example, the memorial of a retiarius at Verona included an engraved trident and sword.{{Harvnp|Hope|2000}}{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|pp=133, 149-153|ps=La utilización de un solo nombre en un memorial de un gladiador generalmente indica un esclavo, dos un liberto o un ''auctoratus'' liberado y, muy poco frecuente entre los gladiadores, tres (''[[Nombre romano|tria nomina]]'') un liberto o un ciudadano romano de pleno derecho. Ver también {{Harvtxt|McManus|2007}} sobre los nombres romanos.}} A wealthy editor might commission artwork to celebrate a particularly successful or memorable show, and include named portraits of winners and losers in action; the Borghese [[Gladiator Mosaic]] is a notable example. According to Cassius Dio, the emperor [[Caracalla]] gave the gladiator Bato a magnificent memorial and State funeral;{{Harvnp|Dunkle|2013|pp=70-71}} more typical are the simple gladiator tombs of the Eastern Roman Empire, whose brief inscriptions include the following:
<blockquote>
"The familia set this up in memory of Saturnilos."<br />
"For Nikepharos, son of Synetos, Lakedaimonian, and for Narcissus the secutor. Titus Flavius Satyrus set up this monument in his memory from his own money."<br />
"For Hermes. Paitraeites with his cell-mates set this up in memory".{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|p=149|ps=Citando a Robert, 12, 24 y 109}}
</blockquote>
Very little evidence survives of the religious beliefs of gladiators as a class, or their expectations of an afterlife. Modern scholarship offers little support for the once-prevalent notion that gladiators, ''venatores'' and ''bestiarii'' were personally or professionally dedicated to the cult of the Graeco-Roman goddess [[Nemesis (mythology)|Nemesis]]. Rather, she seems to have represented a kind of "Imperial [[Fortuna]]" who dispensed Imperial retribution on the one hand, and Imperially subsidised gifts on the other - including the ''munera''. One gladiator's tomb dedication clearly states that her decisions are not to be trusted.{{refn|Némesis, sus devotos y su papel en el mundo romano se analizan a fondo, con ejemplos, en Hornum, Michael B., ''Nemesis, the Roman state and the games'', Brill, 1993.|group="n"}} Many gladiator epitaphs claim Nemesis, fate, deception or treachery as the instrument of their death, never the superior skills of the flesh-and-blood adversary who defeated and killed them. Having no personal responsibility for his own defeat and death, the losing gladiator remains the better man, worth avenging.<ref>{{cita publicación |nombre=Garrett G. |apellido=Fagan |título=Gladiators, combatants at games |publicación=Oxford Classical Dictionary online |fecha=julio de 2015 |doi=10.1093/acrefore/9780199381135.013.2845|cita=Esta negativa a conceder una derrota honesta frente a una habilidad superior nos muestra una vez más el orgullo profesional y una cierta fanfarronería que sigue vigente hoy en día en los deportes de lucha. |url=http://classics.oxfordre.com/view/10.1093/acrefore/9780199381135.001.0001/acrefore-9780199381135-e-2845}}</ref>
<blockquote>
"I, Victor, left-handed, lie here, but my homeland was in Thessalonica. Doom killed me, not the liar Pinnas. No longer let him boast. I had a fellow gladiator, Polyneikes, who killed Pinnas and avenged me. Claudius Thallus set up this memorial from what I left behind as a legacy."{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|p=149|ps=Citando a Robert, 34}}
</blockquote>
-->
=== Esperanza de vida ===
<!--
A gladiator might expect to fight in two or three munera annually, and an unknown number would have died in their first match. Few gladiators survived more than 10 contests, though one survived an extraordinary 150 bouts;{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|p=145}} and another died at 90 years of age, presumably long after retirement.{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|p=144}} A natural death following retirement is also likely for three individuals who died at 38, 45, and 48 years respectively.{{Harvnp|Hope|2000}} George Ville, using evidence from 1st century gladiator headstones, calculated an average age at death of 27, and mortality "among all who entered the arena" at 19/100.{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|p=144|ps=Citando a George Ville}} Marcus Junkelmann disputes Ville's calculation for average age at death; the majority would have received no headstone, and would have died early in their careers, at 18-25 years of age.{{Harvnp|Junkelmann|2000a|p=145}} Between the early and later Imperial periods the risk of death for defeated gladiators rose from 1/5 to 1/4, perhaps because ''missio'' was granted less often.{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|p=144|ps=Citando a George Ville}} Hopkins and Beard tentatively estimate a total of 400 arenas throughout the Roman Empire at its greatest extent, with a combined total of 8,000 deaths per annum from executions, combats and accidents.{{Harvnp|Hopkins|Beard|2005|pp=92-94}}
-->
== Escuelas y formación ==
<!--
The earliest named gladiator school (singular: ''ludus''; plural: ''ludi'') is that of Aurelius Scaurus at Capua. He was ''lanista'' of the gladiators employed by the state circa 105 BC to instruct the legions and simultaneously entertain the public.{{Harvnp|Kyle|2007|p=238}} Few other ''lanistae'' are known by name: they headed their ''familia gladiatoria'', and had lawful power over life and death of every family member, including ''servi poenae'', ''auctorati'' and ancillaries. Socially, they were ''infames'', on a footing with pimps and butchers and despised as price gougers.{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|pp=85, 149}}{{Harvnp|Auguet|1994|p=31}} No such stigma was attached to a gladiator owner (''munerarius'' or ''editor'') of good family, high status and independent means;<ref>Ulpiano. ''ad Edictum'', Libro 6; {{Harvtxt|Futrell|2006|pp=137-138}}, citando Justiniano ''Digesto'', 3.1.1.6.</ref> [[Cicero]] congratulated his friend Atticus on buying a splendid troop - if he rented them out, he might recover their entire cost after two performances.<ref>Cicerón. ''Cartas'', 10.</ref>
The [[Third Servile War|Spartacus revolt]] had originated in a gladiator school privately owned by [[Lentulus Batiatus]], and had been suppressed only after a protracted series of costly, sometimes disastrous campaigns by regular Roman troops. In the late Republican era, a fear of similar uprisings, the usefulness of gladiator schools in creating private armies, and the exploitation of ''munera'' for political gain led to increased restrictions on gladiator school ownership, siting and organisation. By [[Domitian]]'s time, many had been more or less absorbed by the State, including those at [[Pergamum]], [[Alexandria]], [[Praeneste]] and Capua.{{Harvnp|Kyle|2007|pp=285-287, 312|ps=Probablemente esto se había iniciado en la época de Augusto.}} The city of Rome itself had four; the ''[[Ludus Magnus]]'' (the largest and most important, housing up to about 2,000 gladiators), ''[[Ludus Dacicus]]'', ''Ludus Gallicus'', and the ''Ludus Matutinus'', which trained ''bestiarii''.{{Harvnp|Kyle|1998|p=80}}
In the Imperial era, volunteers required a magistrate's permission to join a school as ''auctorati''.{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|p=103|ps=Citando a Petronio ''Satiricón'', 45.133}} If this was granted, the school's physician assessed their suitability. Their contract (''auctoramentum'') stipulated how often they were to perform, their fighting style and earnings. A condemned bankrupt or debtor accepted as novice (''novicius'') could negotiate with his ''lanista'' or ''editor'' for the partial or complete payment of his debt. Faced with runaway re-enlistment fees for skilled ''auctorati'', Marcus Aurelius set their upper limit at 12,000 ''[[sesterces]]''.{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|p=133|ps=Ver también la exhortación de Tiberio a reengancharse.}}
All prospective gladiators, whether volunteer or condemned, were bound to service by a sacred oath (''[[Glossary of ancient Roman religion#sacramentum|sacramentum]]'').<ref name="autogenerated1">Petronius. ''Satyricon'', 117: "He vows to endure to be burned, to be bound, to be beaten, and to be killed by the sword."</ref> Novices (''novicii'') trained under teachers of particular fighting styles, probably retired gladiators.{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|p=138}} They could ascend through a hierarchy of grades (singular: ''palus'') in which ''primus palus'' was the highest.{{refn|''Palus'': llamado así por los mástiles de entrenamiento, de 6 pies romanos de altura, colocados en el centro de entrenamiento.|group="n"}} Lethal weapons were prohibited in the schools - weighted, blunt wooden versions were probably used. Fighting styles were probably learned through constant rehearsal as choreographed "numbers". An elegant, economical style was preferred. Training included preparation for a stoical, unflinching death. Successful training required intense commitment.<ref>{{Harvtxt|Futrell|2006|p=137}} citando a Quintiliano ''Institutio oratoria'', 5.13.54; {{Harvtxt|Futrell|2006|p=140}} citando a Cicerón ''Disputaciones tusculanas'', 2.17; {{Harvtxt|Futrell|2006|p=139}} citando a Epicteto ''Discursos'', 3.15.</ref>
Those condemned ''ad ludum'' were probably [[Human branding|branded]] or marked with a [[History of tattooing|tattoo]] (''stigma'', plural ''stigmata'') on the face, legs and/or hands. These ''stigmata'' may have been text - slaves were sometimes thus marked on the forehead until Constantine banned the use of facial stigmata in 325 AD. Soldiers were routinely marked on the hand.{{Harvnp|Jones|1987|pp=139-155|ps=Las ''stigmata'' faciales representaban una extrema degradación social.}}
Gladiators were typically accommodated in cells, arranged in barrack formation around a central practice arena. [[Juvenal]] describes the segregation of gladiators according to type and status, suggestive of rigid hierarchies within the schools: "even the lowest scum of the arena observe this rule; even in prison they're separate". ''Retiarii'' were kept away from ''damnati'', and "fag targeteers" from "armoured heavies". As most ''ordinarii'' at games were from the same school, this kept potential opponents separate and safe from each other until the lawful ''munus''.{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|p=142|ps=Citando a Juvenal ''Sátiras'', 6 [Oxford Fragment 7.13], en la traducción de Peter Green}} Discipline could be extreme, even lethal.{{Harvnp|Welch|2007|p=17|ps=La muerte quemándolo vivo de un soldado que se negó a convertirse en ''auctoratus'' en una escuela española en el año 43 a. C. es excepcional solamente porque era un ciudadano, técnicamente exento de tal obligación y pena.}} Remains of a Pompeian ''ludus'' site attest to developments in supply, demand and discipline; in its earliest phase, the building could accommodate 15-20 gladiators. Its replacement could have housed about 100 and included a very small cell, probably for lesser punishments and so low that standing was impossible.{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|pp=148-149}}
===Diet and medical care===
[[Archivo:Gladiadores después del combate, por José Moreno Carbonero.jpg|miniatura|''Gladiators after the fight'', [[José Moreno Carbonero]] (1882)]]
Despite the harsh discipline, gladiators represented a substantial investment for their ''lanista'' and were otherwise well fed and cared for. Their daily, high-energy, [[vegetarian]] diet consisted of [[barley]], boiled [[beans]], [[oatmeal]], ash and [[dried fruit]].<ref>{{Cita publicación |apellido=Longo |nombre=Umile Giuseppe |apellido2=Spiezia |nombre2=Filippo |apellido3=Maffulli |nombre3=Nicola |apellido4=Denaro |nombre4=Vincenzo|año=2008 |título=The Best Athletes in Ancient Rome were Vegetarian! |url=https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3761927/ |publicación=Journal of Sports Science & Medicine |volumen=7 |número=4 |páginas=565 |issn=1303-2968 |pmc=3761927 |pmid=24137094}}</ref><ref>{{Cita publicación |apellido=Kanz |nombre=Fabian |apellido2=Risser |nombre2=Daniele U. |apellido3=Grossschmidt |nombre3=Karl |apellido4=Moghaddam |nombre4=Negahnaz |apellido5=Lösch |nombre5=Sandra|año=2014 |título=Stable Isotope and Trace Element Studies on Gladiators and Contemporary Romans from Ephesus (Turkey, 2nd and 3rd Ct. AD) - Implications for Differences in Diet |url=https://journals.plos.org/plosone/article?id=10.1371/journal.pone.0110489 |publicación=PLOS ONE |volumen=9 |número=10 |páginas=e110489 |doi=10.1371/journal.pone.0110489|issn=1932-6203|pmc=4198250 |pmid=25333366}}</ref> Gladiators were sometimes called ''hordearii'' (literalmente "comedores de cebada");{{Harvnp|Mañas|2011|p=261}} romans considered barley inferior to [[wheat]] — a punishment for [[legionaries]] replaced their wheat ration with it — but it was thought to strengthen the body —además era más barata—.{{Harvnp|Mañas|2011|p=261}}<ref>{{cita web |apellido=Follain |nombre=John |título=The dying game: How did the gladiators really live? |sitioweb=Times online |fecha=15 de diciembre de 2002 |fechaacceso=28 de febrero de 2019 |url=http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/life_and_style/article1069977.ece |urlarchivo=https://web.archive.org/web/20110429085905/http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/life_and_style/article1069977.ece |fechaarchivo=29 de abril de 2011}}</ref> Regular massage and high quality medical care helped mitigate an otherwise very severe training regimen. Part of [[Galen]]'s medical training was at a gladiator school in Pergamum where he saw (and would later criticise) the training, diet, and long term health prospects of the gladiators.{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|pp=141-142}}{{Harvnp|Carter|2004|pp=41-68}}
==Legal and social status==
<blockquote>
"He vows to endure to be burned, to be bound, to be beaten, and to be killed by the sword." ''The gladiator's oath as cited by Petronius (Satyricon, 117).''
</blockquote>
Modern customs and institutions offer few useful parallels to the legal and social context of the ''gladiatoria munera''{{Harvnp|Borkowski|du Plessis|2005|p=80}} In Roman law, anyone condemned to the arena or the gladiator schools (''damnati ad ludum'') was a ''servus poenae'' (slave of the penalty), and was considered to be under sentence of death unless manumitted.{{Harvnp|Borkowski|du Plessis|2005|ps=La manumisión rara vez fue absoluta. Los términos de la liberación se negociaron entre el amo y el esclavo; ''Digesto'' 28.3.6.5-6 y 48.19.8.11-12.}} A [[rescript]] of Hadrian reminded magistrates that "those sentenced to the sword" (execution) should be despatched immediately "or at least within the year", and those sentenced to the ''ludi'' should not be discharged before five years, or three years if granted [[manumission]].{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|p=123|ps=Citando el octavo libro de Ulpiano de las ''officio proconsulis'', ''CMRL'', 11.7}} Only slaves found guilty of specific offences could be sentenced to the arena; however, citizens found guilty of particular offenses could be stripped of citizenship, formally enslaved, then sentenced; and slaves, once freed, could be legally reverted to slavery for certain offences.{{Harvnp|Richlin|1992|p=185}} Arena punishment could be given for banditry, theft and arson, and for treasons such as rebellion, census evasion to avoid paying due taxes and refusal to swear lawful oaths.{{Harvnp|Borkowski|du Plessis|2005|pp=Prefaccio, 81}}
Offenders seen as particularly obnoxious to the state (''noxii'') received the most humiliating punishments.{{Harvnp|Coleman|1990|p=46}} By the 1st century BC, ''noxii'' were being condemned to the beasts (''[[damnati ad bestias]]'') in the arena, with almost no chance of survival, or were made to kill each other.{{Harvnp|Wiedemann|1992|pp=40-46}} From the early Imperial era, some were forced to participate in humiliating and novel forms of mythological or historical enactment, culminating in their execution.<ref>Apuleyo ''Metamorphoses'', 4.13</ref>{{Harvtxt|Coleman|1990|p=71}}{{Harvnp|Richlin|1992|p=185}} Those judged less harshly might be condemned ''ad ludum venatorium'' or ''ad gladiatorium'' - combat with animals or gladiators - and armed as thought appropriate. These ''damnati'' at least might put on a good show and retrieve some respect, and very rarely, survive to fight another day. Some may even have become "proper" gladiators.{{Harvnp|Kyle|1998|p=94|ps=La supervivencia y la «promoción» eran extremadamente raras para los damnati —e inauditas para los ''noxii''— a pesar de la fábula moral de [[Aulo Gelio]] sobre Androcles.}}
[[Archivo:Painting from the Amphitheatre. Hunter with lioness - Google Art Project.jpg|miniatura|[[Mérida amphitheatre]], Spain; mural of beast hunt, showing a [[Venatio|venator]] (or [[Bestiarii|bestiarius]]) and lioness]]
Among the most admired and skilled ''auctorati'' were those who, having been granted manumission, volunteered to fight in the arena.{{Harvnp|Richlin|1992|p=186}} Some of these highly trained and experienced specialists may have had no other practical choice open to them. Their legal status - slave or free - is uncertain. Under Roman law, a freed gladiator could not "offer such services [as those of a gladiator] after manumission, because they cannot be performed without endangering [his] life."<ref>D.38.1.38 en {{Harvtxt|Borkowski|du Plessis|2005|p=95}}</ref> All contracted volunteers, including those of equestrian and senatorial class, were legally enslaved by their ''auctoratio'' because it involved their potentially lethal submission to a master.{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|p=157}} All ''arenarii'' (those who appeared in the arena) were "''[[infamia|infames]]'' by reputation", a form of social dishonour which excluded them from most of the advantages and rights of citizenship. Payment for such appearances compounded their ''infamia''.<ref>Smith, William. ''A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities''. London: John Murray, 1875, "[http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/secondary/SMIGRA*/Infamia.html Roman Law - Infamia]".</ref> The legal and social status of even the most popular and wealthy ''auctorati'' was thus marginal at best. They could not vote, plead in court nor leave a will; and unless they were manumitted, their lives and property belonged to their masters.{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|p=131|ps=Citando a Tertuliano ''De Spectaculis'', 22}} Nevertheless, there is evidence of informal if not entirely lawful practices to the contrary. Some "unfree" gladiators bequeathed money and personal property to wives and children, possibly via a sympathetic owner or ''familia''; some had their own slaves and gave them their freedom.{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|pp=86-87|ps=Citando a Plutarco ''Moralia'', 1099B}} One gladiator was even granted "citizenship" to several Greek cities of the Eastern Roman world.{{Harvnp|Carter|2004|pp=52-56}}
Caesar's ''munus'' of 46 BC included at least one equestrian, son of a Praetor, and two volunteers of possible senatorial rank.{{Harvnp|Barton|1993|p=25|ps=Citando a Dion Casio, 43.23.4-5; Suetonio, en ''César'' 39.1, añade los dos senadores}} Augustus, who enjoyed watching the games, forbade the participation of senators, equestrians and their descendants as fighters or ''arenarii'', but in 11 AD he bent his own rules and allowed equestrians to volunteer because "the prohibition was no use".{{Harvnp|Barton|1993|p=25|ps=Citando a Dion Casio, 56.25.7}} Under [[Tiberius]], the Larinum decree (19 d. C.) reiterated Augustus' original prohibitions.{{Harvnp|Mañas|2011|pp=283, 329}}<ref>{{cita web |otros=Traducción de David Potter, Universidad de Míchigan (ver [https://droitromain.univ-grenoble-alpes.fr/Senatus/Larinum_Lebek.htm texto original]) |url=http://www.umich.edu/~classics/programs/class/cc/372/sibyl/db/E012.html |título=The Senatus Consultum from Larinium |editorial=Tableta de bronce encontrada en Larino, Italia, y publicada en 1978 |fechaacceso=27 de febrero de 2019 |urlarchivo=https://web.archive.org/web/20110315032958/http://www.umich.edu/~classics/programs/class/cc/372/sibyl/db/E012.html |fechaarchivo=15 de marzo de 2011}}</ref> Thereafter, [[Caligula]] flouted them and [[Claudius]] strengthened them.{{refn|En tiempos de Calígula, puede que se haya fomentado la participación de hombres y mujeres de rango senatorial, en incluso que se les haya impuesto; Dion Casio, 59.10, 13-14 y Tácito, ''Calígula'', 15.32.|group="n"}} [[Nero]] and [[Commodus]] ignored them. Even after the adoption of Christianity as Rome's official religion, legislation forbade the involvement of Rome's upper social classes in the games, though not the games themselves.{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|p=153|ps=Futrell cita a Dion Casio, 62.17.3; ver Dion Casio, 59.10.13-14 y Tácito ''Calígula'', 15.32 sobre el extraordinario desempeño de Calígula como ''editor''; ''Valentiniano/Teodosio'', 15.9.1; Símaco, ''Relaciones'', 8.3.}} Throughout Rome's history, some volunteers were prepared to risk loss of status or reputation by appearing in the arena, whether for payment, glory or, as in one recorded case, to revenge an affront to their personal honour.{{Harvnp|Kyle|1998|pp=115-116, nota 102}}{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|pp=153, 156}} In one extraordinary episode, an aristocratic descendant of the [[Gracchi]], already infamous for his marriage, as a bride, to a male horn player, appeared in what may have been a non-lethal or farcical match. His motives are unknown, but his voluntary and "shameless" arena appearance combined the "womanly attire" of a lowly ''[[retiarius|retiarius tunicatus]]'', adorned with golden ribbons, with the [[Apex (headdress)|apex]] headdress that marked him out as a [[Salii|priest of Mars]]. In Juvenal's account, he seems to have relished the scandalous self-display, applause and the disgrace he inflicted on his more sturdy opponent by repeatedly skipping away from the confrontation.{{Harvnp|Barton|1993|p=26|ps=Citando a Juvenal, 8.199ff}}{{Harvnp|Cerutti|Richardson|1989|p=589}}
==Amphitheatres==
{{Main|List of Roman amphitheatres}}
[[Archivo:Colosseum in Rome, Italy - April 2007.jpg|miniatura|The [[Colosseum]] in [[Rome]], [[Italy]]]]
As ''munera'' grew larger and more popular, open spaces such as the [[Forum Romanum]] were adapted (as the Forum Boarium had been) as venues in Rome and elsewhere, with temporary, elevated seating for the patron and high status spectators; they were popular but not truly public events:
<blockquote>
A show of gladiators was to be exhibited before the people in the market-place, and most of the magistrates erected scaffolds round about, with an intention of letting them for advantage. [[Gaius Gracchus|Caius]] commanded them to take down their scaffolds, that the poor people might see the sport without paying anything. But nobody obeying these orders of his, he gathered together a body of labourers, who worked for him, and overthrew all the scaffolds the very night before the contest was to take place. So that by the next morning the market-place was cleared, and the common people had an opportunity of seeing the pastime. In this, the populace thought he had acted the part of a man; but he much disobliged the tribunes his colleagues, who regarded it as a piece of violent and presumptuous interference.<ref>Plutarco ''Gayo Graco'', [http://classics.mit.edu/Plutarch/gracchus.html 12.3-4].</ref>{{refn|Algunos escritores romanos interpretan los primeros intentos de establecer sedes permanentes como un artificio político populista, acertadamente rechazado por el Senado, como moralmente censurable; una ''munera'' demasiado frecuente y excesivamente «lujosa» corroería los valores tradicionales romanos. La creación de asientos permanentes se consideró un lujo particularmente reprobable. Ver Apiano, ''Guerras civiles'', 128; Livio, ''Periochae'', 48.|group="n"}}</blockquote>
Towards the end of the Republic, Cicero (''Murena'', 72-3) still describes gladiator shows as ticketed — their political usefulness was served by inviting the rural tribunes of the plebs, not the people of Rome ''en masse'' - but in Imperial times, poor citizens in receipt of the [[Grain supply to the city of Rome|corn dole]] were allocated at least some free seating, possibly by lottery.{{Harvnp|Mouritsen|2001|p=82}} Others had to pay. [[Ticket resale|Ticket scalpers]] (''Locarii'') sometimes sold or let out seats at inflated prices. [[Martial]] wrote that "Hermes [a gladiator who always drew the crowds] means riches for the ticket scalpers".{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|p=136|ps=Citando a Marcial ''Epigramas'', 5.24}}
The earliest known Roman amphitheatre was built at [[Pompeii]] by [[Sulla]]n colonists, around 70 BC.{{Harvnp|Welch|2007|p=197|ps=Citando ''CIL'', X.852}} The first in the city of Rome was the extraordinary wooden amphitheatre of [[Gaius Scribonius Curio#Son|Gaius Scribonius Curio]] (built in 53 BC).{{Harvnp|Potter|Mattingly|1999|p=226|ps=Citando a Plinio el Viejo, 36.117}} The first part-stone amphitheatre in Rome was inaugurated in 29-30 BC, in time for the triple triumph of Octavian (later Augustus).{{Harvnp|Potter|Mattingly|1999|p=226|ps=Ver también Plinia ''Historia natural'', 36.113-5. El anfiteatro fue encargado por T. Statilius Taurus. Según Plinio, sus tres pisos estaban revestidos de mármol, contenían 3000 estatuas de bronce y acomodaban a 80 000 espectadores. Probablemente tenía partes con un marco de madera.}} Shortly after it burned down in 64 AD, [[Vespasian]] began its replacement, later known as the Amphitheatrum Flavium ([[Colosseum]]), which seated 50,000 spectators and would remain the largest in the Empire. It was [[Inaugural games of the Flavian Amphitheatre|inaugurated]] by [[Titus]] in 80 AD as the personal gift of the Emperor to the people of Rome, paid for by the imperial share of booty after the [[First Jewish-Roman War|Jewish Revolt]].{{Harvnp|Mattern|2002|pp=151-152}}
[[Archivo:arlesarena.jpg|miniatura|izquierda|Roman arena at [[Arles]], inside view]]
Amphitheatres were usually oval in plan. Their seating tiers surrounded the arena below, where the community's judgments were meted out, in full public view. From across the stands, crowd and ''editor'' could assess each other's character and temperament. For the crowd, amphitheatres afforded unique opportunities for free expression and free speech (''theatralis licentia''). Petitions could be submitted to the ''editor'' (as magistrate) in full view of the community. ''Factiones'' and claques could vent their spleen on each other, and occasionally on Emperors. The emperor Titus's dignified yet confident ease in his management of an amphitheatre crowd and its factions were taken as a measure of his enormous popularity and the rightness of his imperium. The amphitheatre ''munus'' thus served the Roman community as living theatre and a court in miniature, in which judgement could be served not only on those in the arena below, but on their judges.{{Harvnp|Richlin|1992|pp=184-185|ps=Incluso los emperadores a los que no les gustaban los ''munera'' estaban obligados a asistir.}}{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|pp=37-42, 105}}{{Harvnp|Kyle|1998|p=3}} Amphitheatres also provided a means of social control. Their seating was "disorderly and indiscriminate" until [[Augustus]] prescribed its arrangement in his Social Reforms. To persuade the Senate, he expressed his distress on behalf of a Senator who could not find seating at a crowded games in [[Pozzuoli|Puteoli]]:
<blockquote>
In consequence of this the senate decreed that, whenever any public show was given anywhere, the first row of seats should be reserved for senators; and at Rome he would not allow the envoys of the free and allied nations to sit in the orchestra, since he was informed that even freedmen were sometimes appointed. He separated the soldiery from the people. He assigned special seats to the married men of the commons, to boys under age their own section and the adjoining one to their preceptors; and he decreed that no one wearing a dark cloak should sit in the middle of the house. He would not allow women to view even the gladiators except from the upper seats, though it had been the custom for men and women to sit together at such shows. Only the Vestal virgins were assigned a place to themselves, opposite the praetor's tribunal.<ref>Suetonius. ''Lives'', "Augustus", 44.</ref>
</blockquote>
These arrangements do not seem to have been strongly enforced.{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|p=105}}
===Factions and rivals===
[[Archivo:Pompeii - Battle at the Amphitheatre - MAN.jpg|miniatura|The Amphitheatre at [[Pompeii]], depicting the riot between the [[Nocera Inferiore|Nucerians]] and the [[Pompeian]]s]]
Popular factions supported favourite gladiators and gladiator types.<ref>Examples are in Martial's ''Epigrams'' 14, 213 and Suetonius's ''Caligula''.</ref> Under Augustan legislation, the Samnite type was renamed ''[[Secutor]]'' ("chaser", or "pursuer"). The secutor was equipped with a long, heavy "large" shield called a ''[[Scutum (shield)|scutum]]''); ''Secutores'', their supporters and any heavyweight ''secutor''-based types such as the [[Murmillo]] were ''[[secutor|secutarii]]''.<ref>Also ''scutarii'', ''scutularii'', or ''secutoriani''.</ref> Lighter types, such as the [[Thraex]], were equipped with a smaller, lighter shield called a ''[[Parma (shield)|parma]]'', from which they and their supporters were named ''parmularii'' ("small shields"). Titus and Trajan preferred the ''parmularii'' and Domitian the ''secutarii''; Marcus Aurelius took neither side. Nero seems to have enjoyed the brawls between rowdy, enthusiastic and sometimes violent factions, but called in the troops if they went too far.{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|pp=96, 104-105}}{{Harvnp|Kyle|1998|p=111}}
There were also local rivalries. At Pompeii's amphitheatre, during Nero's reign, the trading of insults between Pompeians and [[Nuceria]]n spectators during public ''ludi'' led to stone throwing and riot. Many were killed or wounded. Nero banned gladiator ''munera'' (though not the games) at Pompeii for ten years as punishment. The story is told in Pompeian graffiti and high quality wall painting, with much boasting of Pompeii's "victory" over Nuceria.{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|pp=107-108|ps=Ver también Tácito ''Anales'', 14.17.}}
==Role in Roman life==
===Role in the military===
<blockquote>
A man who knows how to conquer in war is a man who knows how to arrange a banquet and put on a show.<ref>Livy, 45.32-3.</ref>
</blockquote>
Rome was essentially a landowning military aristocracy. From the early days of the Republic, ten years of military service were a citizen's duty and a prerequisite for election to public office. ''[[Devotio]]'' (willingness to sacrifice one’s life to the greater good) was central to the Roman military ideal, and was the core of the Roman military oath. It applied from highest to lowest alike in the chain of command.{{Harvnp|Kyle|1998|p=81|ps=Se cumplió y ejecutó de forma destacada en la ''devotio'' del campo de batalla de dos cónsules [[:Categoría:Gens Decia|Decii]]; primero por [[Publio Decio Mus (cónsul 340 a. C.)|el padre]] y luego por [[Publio Decio Mus (cónsul 312 a. C.)]]su hijo.}} As a soldier committed his life (voluntarily, at least in theory) to the greater cause of Rome's victory, he was not expected to survive defeat.{{Harvnp|Edwards|2007|pp=19-45|ps=Livio, 22.51.5-8, ha herido a los romanos de Cannae por el golpe mortal de sus compañeros: ''cf'' la muerte de Cicerón en Séneca ''Suasoriae'', 6.17.}}
The Punic Wars of the late 3rd century BC - in particular the near-catastrophic defeat of Roman arms at Cannae - had long-lasting effects on the Republic, its citizen armies, and the development of the gladiatorial ''munera''. In the aftermath of Cannae, Scipio Africanus crucified Roman deserters and had non-Roman deserters thrown to the beasts.{{Harvnp|Welch|2007|p=17}} The Senate refused to ransom Hannibal's Roman captives: instead, they consulted the [[Sibylline books]], then made drastic preparations:
<blockquote>
In obedience to the Books of Destiny, some strange and unusual sacrifices were made, human sacrifices amongst them. A Gaulish man and a Gaulish woman and a Greek man and a Greek woman were buried alive under the Forum Boarium ... They were lowered into a stone vault, which had on a previous occasion also been polluted by human victims, a practice most repulsive to Roman feelings. When the gods were believed to be duly propitiated ... Armour, weapons, and other things of the kind were ordered to be in readiness, and the ancient spoils gathered from the enemy were taken down from the temples and colonnades. The dearth of freemen necessitated a new kind of enlistment; 8,000 sturdy youths from amongst the slaves were armed at the public cost, after they had each been asked whether they were willing to serve or no. These soldiers were preferred, as there would be an opportunity of ransoming them when taken prisoners at a lower price.<ref>Livy, 22.55-57.</ref>
</blockquote>
[[Archivo:Kourion10.jpg|miniatura|Late 3rd century gladiator mosaic from a private residence in [[Kourion]], [[Cyprus]]. All the participants are named, including the referee]]
The account notes, uncomfortably, the bloodless human sacrifices performed to help turn the tide of the war in Rome's favour. While the Senate mustered their willing slaves, Hannibal offered his dishonoured Roman captives a chance for honourable death, in what Livy describes as something very like the Roman ''munus''. The ''munus'' thus represented an essentially military, self-sacrificial ideal, taken to extreme fulfillment in the gladiator's oath.{{Harvnp|Kyle|1998|p=3}} By the ''devotio'' of a voluntary oath, a slave might achieve the quality of a Roman (''Romanitas''), become the embodiment of true ''virtus'' (manliness, or manly virtue), and paradoxically, be granted ''missio'' while remaining a slave.<ref name="autogenerated1" /> The gladiator as a specialist fighter, and the ethos and organization of the gladiator schools, would inform the development of the Roman military as the most effective force of its time.{{Harvnp|Barton|1993|p=15}}{{Harvnp|Kyle|2007|p=274}} In 107 BC, the [[Gaius Marius|Marian]] Reforms established the Roman army as a professional body. Two years later, following its defeat at Arausio:
<blockquote>
...weapons training was given to soldiers by P. Rutilius, consul with C. Mallis. For he, following the example of no previous general, with teachers summoned from the gladiatorial training school of C. Aurelus Scaurus, implanted in the legions a more sophisticated method of avoiding and dealing a blow and mixed bravery with skill and skill back again with virtue so that skill became stronger by bravery's passion and passion became more wary with the knowledge of this art.{{Harvnp|Wiedemann|1992|pp=6-7|ps=Citando a Valerio Máximo, 2.3.2}}
</blockquote>
The military were great aficionados of the games, and supervised the schools. Many schools and amphitheatres were sited at or near military barracks, and some provincial army units owned gladiator troupes.{{Harvnp|Wiedemann|1992|p=45}} As the Republic wore on, the term of military service increased from ten to the sixteen years formalised by Augustus in the Principate. It would rise to twenty, and later, to twenty five years. Roman military discipline was ferocious; severe enough to provoke mutiny, despite the consequences. A career as a volunteer gladiator may have seemed an attractive option for some.{{Harvnp|Mattern|2002|pp=126-128|ps=Citando a Tácito ''Anales'', 1.17}}
In AD 69, the [[Year of the Four Emperors]], [[Otho]]'s troops at [[Bedriacum]] included 2000 gladiators. Opposite him on the field, [[Vitellius]]'s army was swollen by levies of slaves, plebs and gladiators.{{Harvnp|Mattern|2002|p=87|ps=Citando a Dion Casio, 72, 73.2.3}} In 167 AD, troop depletions by plague and desertion may have prompted Marcus Aurelius to draft gladiators at his own expense.{{Harvnp|Mattern|2002|p=87}} During the Civil Wars that led to the Principate, Octavian (later Augustus) acquired the personal gladiator troop of his erstwhile opponent, Mark Antony. They had served their late master with exemplary loyalty but thereafter, they disappear from the record.{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|p=129|ps=Citando a Dion Casio}}
===Religion, ethics and sentiment===
Roman writing as a whole demonstrates a deep ambivalence towards the ''gladiatoria munera''. Even the most complex and sophisticated ''munera'' of the Imperial era evoked the ancient, ancestral ''dii manes'' of the underworld and were framed by the protective, lawful rites of ''sacrificium''. Their popularity made their co-option by the state inevitable; [[Cicero]] acknowledged their sponsorship as a political imperative.{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|p=16|ps=Citando a Cicerón ''Epistulae ad familiares'', 2.3}} Despite the popular adulation of gladiators, they were set apart, despised; and despite Cicero's contempt for the mob, he shared their admiration: "Even when [gladiators] have been felled, let alone when they are standing and fighting, they never disgrace themselves. And suppose a gladiator has been brought to the ground, when do you ever see one twist his neck away after he has been ordered to extend it for the death blow?" His own death would later emulate this example.<ref>La admiración de Cicerón: ''Disputaciones tusculanas'', 2.41.</ref>{{Harvnp|Barton|1993|p=39|ps=Citando a Séneca ''Suasoriae'', 6.17 por la muerte de Cicerón}} Yet, Cicero could also refer to his popularist opponent [[Publius Clodius Pulcher|Clodius]], publicly and scathingly, as a ''bustuarius'' - literally, a "funeral-man", implying that Clodius has shown the moral temperament of the lowest sort of gladiator. "Gladiator" could be (and was) used as an insult throughout the Roman period, and "Samnite" doubled the insult, despite the popularity of the Samnite type.<ref>{{Harvtxt|Kyle|2007|p=273}}. Para ''bustuarius'', con referencia a la supuesta agitación impía de Clodio en el funeral de [[Cayo Mario|Mario]], ver Cicerón ''In Pisonem'' (Contra Pisón). Ver {{Harvtxt|Bagnani|1956|p=26}} para el ''bustuarius'' como una clase de gladiador más baja que la impleada en el ''munus'' público. Las poco halagadoras referencias de Cicerón a Marco Antonio como ''gladiator'' están en su segunda ''Filípica''.</ref> [[Silius Italicus]] wrote, as the games approached their peak, that the degenerate [[Campania#Ancient tribes and Samnite Wars|Campanians]] had devised the very worst of precedents, which now threatened the moral fabric of Rome: "It was their custom to enliven their banquets with bloodshed and to combine with their feasting the horrid sight of armed men [(Samnites)] fighting; often the combatants fell dead above the very cups of the revelers, and the tables were stained with streams of blood. Thus demoralised was Capua."<ref>Silio Itálico, 11.51, citado en {{Harvtxt|Welch|2007|p=3}}.</ref> Death could be rightly meted out as punishment, or met with equanimity in peace or war, as a gift of fate; but when inflicted as entertainment, with no underlying moral or religious purpose, it could only pollute and demean those who witnessed it.{{Harvnp|Richlin|1992|p=185|px=Tácito, en ''Anales'' 15.44, describe la repugnancia pública por el castigo de Nerón a los cristianos, que parecía basarse en su afán de crueldad, más que en un interés por el bien público.}}
[[Archivo:Retiarius vs secutor from Borghese mosaic.jpg|miniatura|Detail of the [[Gladiator Mosaic]], 4th century AD]]
The ''munus'' itself could be interpreted as pious necessity, but its increasing luxury corroded Roman virtue, and created an un-Roman appetite for profligacy and self-indulgence.{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|p=4|ps=Los cronistas romanos asocian la ''munera'' con el proverbial lujo y el exceso de Capua.}} Caesar's 46 BC ''ludi'' were mere entertainment for political gain, a waste of lives and of money that would have been better doled out to his legionary veterans.<ref>Cassius Dio, 43.24.</ref> Yet for Seneca, and for Marcus Aurelius - both professed [[Stoics]] - the degradation of gladiators in the ''munus'' highlighted their Stoic virtues: their unconditional obedience to their master and to fate, and equanimity in the face of death. Having "neither hope nor illusions", the gladiator could transcend his own debased nature, and disempower death itself by meeting it face to face. Courage, dignity, altruism and loyalty were morally redemptive; [[Lucian]] idealised this principle in his story of Sisinnes, who voluntarily fought as a gladiator, earned 10,000 drachmas and used it to buy freedom for his friend, Toxaris.{{Harvnp|Barton|1993|p=16}}{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|p=154|ps=Citando a Luciano ''Tóxaris'', 58-59}} Seneca had a lower opinion of the mob's un-Stoical appetite for ''ludi meridiani'': "Man [is]...now slaughtered for jest and sport; and those whom it used to be unholy to train for the purpose of inflicting and enduring wounds are thrust forth exposed and defenceless."{{Harvnp|Kyle|1998|p=3}}
These accounts seek a higher moral meaning from the ''munus'', but [[Ovid]]'s very detailed (though satirical) instructions for seduction in the amphitheatre suggest that the spectacles could generate a potent and dangerously sexual atmosphere.{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|p=105}} Augustan seating prescriptions placed women - excepting the Vestals, who were legally inviolate - as far as possible from the action of the arena floor; or tried to. There remained the thrilling possibility of clandestine sexual transgression by high-caste spectators and their heroes of the arena. Such assignations were a source for gossip and satire but some became unforgivably public:{{Harvnp|Kyle|1998|p=85|ps=Esto debería considerarse escandaloso y llamativo, no algo común.}}
<blockquote>
What was the youthful charm that so fired Eppia? What hooked her? What did she see in him to make her put up with being called "the gladiator's moll"? Her poppet, her Sergius, was no chicken, with a dud arm that prompted hope of early retirement. Besides his face looked a proper mess, helmet-scarred, a great wart on his nose, an unpleasant discharge always trickling from one eye. But he was a gladiator. That word makes the whole breed seem handsome, and made her prefer him to her children and country, her sister, her husband. Steel is what they fall in love with.<ref>Juvenal ''Sátiras'', 6.102ff.</ref>
</blockquote>
Eppia - a senator's wife - and her Sergius eloped to Egypt, where he deserted her. Most gladiators would have aimed lower. Two wall ''[[graffiti]]'' in Pompeii describe Celadus the Thraex as "the sigh of the girls" and "the glory of the girls" - which may or may not have been Celadus' own wishful thinking.{{Harvnp|Futrell|2006|p=146|ps=Citando el ''[[Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum]]'', 4.4342 y 4.4345}}
In the later Imperial era, Servius Maurus Honoratus uses the same disparaging term as Cicero - ''bustuarius'' - for gladiators.<ref>Servio ''Comentario de la «Eneida» de Virgilio'', 10.519.</ref> Tertullian used it somewhat differently - all victims of the arena were sacrificial in his eyes - and expressed the paradox of the ''arenarii'' as a class, from a Christian viewpoint:
<blockquote>
On the one and the same account they glorify them and they degrade and diminish them; yes, further, they openly condemn them to disgrace and civil degradation; they keep them religiously excluded from council chamber, rostrum, senate, knighthood, and every other kind of office and a good many distinctions. The perversity of it! They love whom they lower; they despise whom they approve; the art they glorify, the artist they disgrace.<ref>Tertuliano. ''De Spectaculis'', 22; {{Harvtxt|Kyle|1998|p=80}}. ''Bustuarius'' se encuentra en Tertuliano ''De Spectaculis'', 11.</ref>
</blockquote>
===In Roman art and culture===
[[Archivo:Borghese gladiator 1 mosaic dn r2 c2.jpg|miniatura|Part of the [[Gladiator Mosaic]], displayed at the [[Galleria Borghese]]. It dates from approximately 320 AD. The Ø symbol (possibly Greek [[theta]], for [[thanatos]]) marks a gladiator killed in combat.]]
<blockquote>
In this new Play, I attempted to follow the old custom of mine, of making a fresh trial; I brought it on again. In the first Act I pleased; when in the meantime a rumor spread that gladiators were about to be exhibited; the populace flock together, make a tumult, clamor aloud, and fight for their places: meantime, I was unable to maintain my place.<ref>Terence. ''Hecyra'', Prologue II.</ref>
</blockquote>
Images of gladiators could be found throughout the Republic and Empire, among all classes. Walls in the 2nd century BC "Italian [[Agora]]" at [[Delos]] were decorated with paintings of gladiators. Mosaics dating from the 2nd through 4th centuries AD have been invaluable in the reconstruction of combat and its rules, gladiator types and the development of the ''munus''. Throughout the Roman world, ceramics, lamps, gems and jewellery, mosaics, reliefs, wall paintings and statuary offer evidence, sometimes the best evidence, of the clothing, props, equipment, names, events, prevalence and rules of gladiatorial combat. Earlier periods provide only occasional, perhaps exceptional examples.{{Harvnp|Richlin|1992|p=181}}{{Harvnp|Welch|2007|p=2}} The [[Gladiator Mosaic]] in the [[Galleria Borghese]] displays several gladiator types, and the [[Bignor Roman Villa]] mosaic from [[Roman Britain|Provincial Britain]] shows [[Cupid]]s as gladiators. Souvenir ceramics were produced depicting named gladiators in combat; similar images of higher quality, were available on more expensive articles in high quality ceramic, glass or silver.
[[Pliny the Elder]] gives vivid examples of the popularity of gladiator portraiture in [[Antium]] and an artistic treat laid on by an adoptive aristocrat for the solidly plebeian citizens of the Roman [[Aventine Hill|Aventine]]:
<blockquote>
When a [[freedman]] of Nero was giving a gladiatorial show at [[Antium]], the public porticoes were covered with paintings, so we are told, containing life-like portraits of all the gladiators and assistants. This portraiture of gladiators has been the highest interest in art for many centuries now, but it was Gaius Terentius who began the practice of having pictures made of gladiatorial shows and exhibited in public; in honour of his grandfather who had adopted him he provided thirty pairs of Gladiators in the Forum for three consecutive days, and exhibited a picture of the matches in the Grove of Diana.<ref>Plinio ''Historia natural'', 30.32, citado en {{Harvtxt|Welch|2007|p=21}}</ref>
</blockquote>
==Decline==
The decline of the ''munus'' was a far from straightforward process.{{Harvnp|Mattern|2002|pp=130-131}} The [[crisis of the 3rd century]] imposed increasing military demands on the imperial purse, from which the Roman Empire never quite recovered, and lesser magistrates found the obligatory ''munera'' an increasingly unrewarding tax on the doubtful privileges of office. Still, emperors continued to subsidize the games as a matter of undiminished public interest.{{Harvnp|Auguet|1994|pp=30, 32}} In the early 3rd century AD, the Christian writer [[Tertullian]] had acknowledged their power over the Christian flock, and was compelled to be blunt: the combats were [[murder]], their witnessing spiritually and morally harmful and the gladiator an instrument of [[pagan]] human sacrifice.<ref>Tertullian. ''De Spectaculis'', 22.</ref> In the next century, [[Augustine of Hippo]] deplored the youthful fascination of his friend (and later fellow-convert and [[Bishop]]) [[Alypius of Thagaste]], with the ''munera'' [[spectacle]] as inimical to a Christian life and [[Salvation#Christianity|salvation]].<ref>Saint Augustine, ''Confessions'', 6.8.</ref> Amphitheatres continued to host the spectacular administration of Imperial justice: in 315 [[Constantine the Great]] condemned child-snatchers ''[[ad bestias]]'' in the arena. Ten years later, he banned the gladiator ''munera'':
<blockquote>
In times in which peace and peace relating to domestic affairs prevail bloody demonstrations displease us. Therefore, we order that there may be no more gladiator combats. Those who were condemned to become gladiators for their crimes are to work from now on in the mines. Thus they pay for their crimes without having to pour their blood.<ref>''Constantino'', 9.18.1 y 15.12.1 (ver también {{Harvtxt|Edwards|2007|p=215}}).</ref>
</blockquote>
[[Archivo:Mosaic museum Istanbul 2007 011.jpg|miniatura|A 5th-century mosaic in the [[Great Palace of Constantinople]] depicts two ''venatores'' fighting a tiger.]]
An imperially sanctioned ''munus'' at some time in the 330s suggests that yet again, imperial legislation failed to entirely curb the games, not least when Constantine defied his own [[law]].{{Harvnp|Carter|2004|p=43}} In 365, [[Valentinian I]] (r. 364-375) threatened to fine a [[judge]] who sentenced Christians to the arena and in 384 attempted, like most of his predecessors, to limit the expenses of ''munera''.{{refn|Ver Tertuliano ''Apologética'', 49.4 para la condena de Tertuliano de los funcionarios que buscaban su propia «gloria» promoviendo el martirio de los cristianos.|group="n"}}{{Harvnp|Kyle|1998|p=78|ps=Comparado con los «paganos» ''noxii'', las muertes cristianas en la arena habrías sido pocas.}}<ref>''Código Teodosiano'', [http://ancientrome.ru/ius/library/codex/theod/liber09.htm#40 9.40.8] y [http://ancientrome.ru/ius/library/codex/theod/liber15.htm#9 15.9.1]; Símaco ''Relaciones'', 8.3.</ref>
In 393, [[Theodosius I]] (r. 379-395) adopted [[First Council of Nicaea|Nicene]] Christianity as the [[state church of the Roman Empire|state religion of the Roman Empire]] and banned pagan festivals.<ref>''Código Teodosiano'', [http://ancientrome.ru/ius/library/codex/theod/liber02.htm 2.8.19 y 2.8.22].</ref> The ''ludi'' continued, very gradually shorn of their stubbornly pagan ''munera''. [[Honorius (emperor)|Honorius]] (r. 395-423) legally ended ''munera'' in 399, and again in 404, at least in the [[Western Roman Empire]]. According to [[Theodoret]], the ban was in consequence of [[Saint Telemachus]]' martyrdom by spectators at a ''munus.''<ref>Telemachus had personally stepped in to prevent the ''munus''. See Theoderet's ''Historia Ecclesiastica'', 5.26.</ref> [[Valentinian III]] (r. 425-455) repeated the ban in 438, perhaps effectively, though ''venationes'' continued beyond 536.<ref>''Codex Justinianus'', 3.12.9.</ref> By this time, interest in ''munera'' had waned throughout the Roman world. In the [[Byzantine]] Empire, [[Theatre of ancient Rome|theatrical shows]] and [[chariot race]]s continued to attract the crowds, and drew a generous Imperial subsidy.
It is not known how many ''gladiatoria munera'' were given throughout the Roman period. Many, if not most, involved ''venationes'', and in the later Empire some may have been only that. In 165 BC, at least one ''munus'' was held during April's [[Megalesia]]. In the early Imperial era, ''munera'' in Pompeii and neighbouring towns were dispersed from March through November. They included a provincial magnate's five-day ''munus'' of thirty pairs, plus beast-hunts.{{Harvnp|Cooley|Cooley|2004|P=218}} A single late primary source, the ''Calendar of Furius Dionysius Philocalus'' for 354, shows how seldom gladiators featured among a multitude of official festivals. Of 176 days reserved for spectacles of various kinds, 102 were for theatrical shows, 64 for [[chariot race]]s and just 10 in December for gladiator games and ''venationes''. A century before this, the emperor [[Alexander Severus]] (r. 222-235) may have intended a more even redistribution of ''munera'' throughout the year; but this would have broken with what had become the traditional positioning of the major gladiator games, at the year's ending. As Wiedemann points out, December was also the month for the [[Saturnalia]], [[Saturn (mythology)|Saturn's]] festival, in which death was linked to renewal, and the lowest were honoured as the highest.{{Harvnp|Wiedemann|1992|pp=11-12}}
==Modern reconstructions==
{{further|Roman-era historical reenactment|Combat reenactment|Historical European martial arts#Antiquity}}
Some Roman reenactors attempt to recreate Roman gladiator troupes. Some of these groups are part of larger Roman reenactment groups, and others are wholly independent, though they might participate in larger demonstrations of Roman reenacting or historical reenacting in general. These groups usually focus on portraying mock gladiatorial combat in as accurate a manner as possible.
-->
== Notas y referencias ==
;Notas
{{listaref|group="n"}}
;Referencias
{{listaref|2}}
==
{{refcomienza|30em}}
* {{Cita libro |apellido=Auguet |nombre=Roland |título=Cruelty and Civilization: The Roman Games |ubicación=Nueva York |editorial=Routledge |año=1994 |isbn=0-415-10452-1 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ApAiO4TXASIC}}
* {{Cita publicación |apellido=Bagnani |nombre=Gilbert |título=Encolpius Gladiator Obscenus |publicación=Classical Philology |volumen=51 |número=1 |año=1956 |páginas=24-27 |doi=10.1086/363980}}
* {{Cita publicación |apellido=Barton |nombre=Carlin A. |año=1989 |título=The Scandal of the Arena|jstor=2928482 |publicación=Representations |número=27 |páginas= 27, 28, nota 33 |doi=10.2307/2928482 |suscripción=sí}}
* {{Cita libro |apellido=Barton |nombre=Carlin A. |título=The Sorrows of the Ancient Romans: The Gladiator and the Monster |ubicación=Princeton, Nueva Jersey |editorial=Princeton University Press |año=1993 |isbn=0-691-05696-X |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=9CS7QgAACAAJ}}
* {{Cita libro |apellido1=Borkowski |nombre1=J. Andrew |apellido2=du Plessis |nombre2=Paul J. |título=Textbook on Roman Law |ubicación=Oxford |editorial=Oxford University Press |año=2005 |isbn=0-19-927607-2 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=dG-0QwAACAAJ}}
* {{Cita libro |apellido=Brunet |nombre=Stephen |año=2014 |capítulo=Women with Swords: Female Gladiators in the Roman World |nombre-editor=Paul |apellido-editor=Christesen |nombre-editor2=Donald G. |apellido-editor2=Kyle |título=A Companion to Sport and Spectacle in Greek and Roman Antiquity |ubicación=Chichester, West Sussex |editorial=Wiley Blackwell |páginas=478-491 |doi=10.1002/9781118609965.ch32 |isbn=9781444339529 |url=https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/d5a6/c1e48d044dfccd4c92fe2df6c25757e711a0.pdf|ref=harv}}
* {{Cita publicación |apellido=Carter |nombre=Michael |título=''Archiereis'' and Asiarchs: A Gladiatorial Perspective |publicación=Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies |volumen=44 |año=2004 |páginas=41-68 |url=https://grbs.library.duke.edu/article/viewFile/31/31 }}
* {{Cita publicación |apellido=Cerutti |nombre=Steven M. |apellido2=Richardson |nombre2=L. |título=The Retiarius Tunicatus of Suetonius, Juvenal, and Petronius |publicación=The American Journal of Philology |año=1989 |volumen=110 |número=4 |páginas=589-594 |doi=10.2307/295282 |jstor=295282}}
* {{Cita publicación |apellido=Coleman |nombre=K. M. |título=Fatal Charades: Roman Executions Staged as Mythological Enactments |publicación=The Journal of Roman Studies |volumen=80 |año=1990 |páginas=44-73 |doi=10.2307/300280}}
* {{Cita libro |apellido=Cooley |nombre=Alison E. |apellido2=Cooley |nombre2=M. G. L. |título=Pompeii, A Sourcebook |editorial=Routledge |año=2004}}
* {{Cita publicación |apellido=Curry |nombre=Andrew |título=The Gladiator Diet |publicación=Archaeology |año=2008 |volumen=61 |número=6 |url=http://www.archaeology.org/0811/abstracts/gladiator.html}}
* {{Cita libro |apellido=Dillon |nombre=M. |apellido2=Garland |nombre2=L. |título=Ancient Rome: From the Early Republic to the Assassination of Julius Caesar |editorial=Routledge |año=2005}}
* {{cita libro |apellido=Dunkle |nombre=Roger |título=Gladiators: Violence and Spectacle in Ancient Rome |editorial=Routledge |año=2013 |isbn=1317905210}}
* {{Cita libro |apellido=Edwards |nombre=Catherine |título=Death in Ancient Rome |ubicación=New Haven, Connecticut |editorial=Yale University Press |año=2007 |isbn=0-300-11208-4 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Ioq6GmIyLQIC}}
* {{Cita libro |apellido=Everitt |nombre=Anthony |título=Cicero: The Life and Times of Rome's Greatest Politician |ubicación=Nueva York |editorial=Random House |año=2001 |isbn=0-375-50746-9 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=s5gTAQAAIAAJ}}
* {{cita libro |apellido=Fagan |nombre=Garrett G. |título=The Lure of the Arena: Social Psychology and the Crowd at the Roman Games |editorial=Cambridge University Press|año=2011}}
* {{Cita libro |apellido=Fox |nombre=Robin Lane |título=The Classical World: An Epic History from Homer to Hadrian |ubicación=Nueva York |editorial=Basic Books |año=2006 |isbn=0-465-02496-3 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Srhcjy8JTaEC}}
* {{Cita libro |apellido=Futrell |nombre=Alison |título=A Sourcebook on the Roman Games |ubicación=Oxford |editorial=Blackwell Publishing |año=2006 |isbn=1-4051-1568-8 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=dkE24t_drk0C}}
* {{Cita libro |apellido1=Gibbon |nombre1=Edward |apellido2=Womersley |nombre2=David |título=The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire |ubicación=Nueva York |editorial=Penguin |año=2000 |isbn=0-14-043764-9 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ix5ck6kCt0UC}}
* {{Cita libro |apellido=Grant |nombre=Michael |título=Gladiators |ubicación=Londres |editorial=Penguin Books |año=2000 |isbn=0-14-029934-3 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=F8uePwAACAAJ}}
* {{Cita publicación |apellido1=Grossschmidt |nombre1=K. |apellido2=Kanz |nombre2=Fabian |título=Head Injuries of Roman Gladiators |publicación=Forensic Science International |volumen=160 |número=2-3 |ubicación=Viena |editorial=Center of Anatomy and Cell-biology, Medical University of Vienna y Austrian Archaeological Institute |año=2006 |páginas=207-216 |pmid=16289900 |doi=10.1016/j.forsciint.2005.10.010}}
* {{Cita publicación |apellido=Hope |nombre=Valerie |título=Fighting for identity: The funerary commemoration of Italian gladiators |publicación=Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies |año=2000 |volumen=44 |número=S73 |páginas=93-113 |doi=10.1111/j.2041-5370.2000.tb01940.x}}
* {{Cita libro |apellido1=Hopkins |nombre1=Keith |apellido2=Beard |nombre2=Mary |título=The Colosseum |año=2005 |ubicación=Cambridge, Massachusetts |editorial=Harvard University Press |isbn=0-674-01895-8 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=dBSCMu9juPcC}}
* {{cita libro |apellido=Hubbard |nombre=Ben |título=Gladiators |serie=Conquerors and Combatants |editorial=Cavendish Square Publishing |año=2016 |isbn=9781502624574 |url=https://books.google.es/books?id=UVRevgAACAAJ&printsec=frontcover&hl=es#v=onepage&q&f=false}}
* {{Cita libro |apellido=Jacobelli |nombre=Luciana |título=Gladiators at Pompeii |ubicación=Los Ángeles, California |editorial=Getty Publications |año=2003 |isbn=0-89236-731-8 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NSC0SHEjMe4C}}
* {{Cita publicación |apellido=Jones |nombre=C. P. |título="Stigma": Tattooing and Branding in Graeco-Roman Antiquity |publicación=Journal of Roman Studies |volumen=77 |año=1987 |páginas=139-155 |doi=10.2307/300578}}
* {{Cita libro |apellido=Junkelmann |nombre=Marcus |título=Das Spiel mit dem Tod: So Kämpften Roms Gladiatoren |ubicación=Mainz |editorial=Verlag Philipp von Zabern |año=2000a |isbn=3-8053-2563-0 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ze2BAAAAMAAJ |idioma=alemán}}
* {{cita libro |apellido=Junkelmann |nombre=Marcus |capítulo=''Familia Gladiatoria'': The Heroes of the Amphitheatre |título=The Power of Spectacle in Ancient Rome: Gladiators and Caesars |nombre-editor=Eckart |apellido-editor=Köhne |nombre-editor2=Cornelia |apellido-editor2=Ewigleben |nombre-editor3=Ralph |apellido-editor3=Jackson |ubicación=Berkeley y Los Ángeles |año=2000b |editorial=University of California Press |pp=31-74 |isbn=9780520227989 |url=https://books.google.es/books?id=5pzs975hnpoC&pg=PA31}}
* {{Cita libro |apellido1=Köhne |nombre1=Eckart |apellido2=Ewigleben |nombre2=Cornelia |apellido3=Jackson |nombre3=Ralph| title=Gladiators and Caesars: The Power of Spectacle in Ancient Rome |ubicación=Berkeley y Los Ángeles |editorial=University of California Press |año=2000 |isbn=0-520-22798-0 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=5pzs975hnpoC}}
* {{Cita libro |apellido=Kyle |nombre=Donald G. |título=Spectacles of Death in Ancient Rome |ubicación=Londres |editorial=Routledge |año=1998 |isbn=0-415-09678-2 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=x4vekGBc_McC}}
* {{Cita libro |apellido=Kyle |nombre=Donald G. |título=Sport and Spectacle in the Ancient World |ubicación=Oxford |editorial=Blackwell Publishing |año=2007 |isbn=0-631-22970-1 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=tEbcu-sDkFEC}}
* {{Cita libro |apellido=Lintott |nombre=Andrew |título=The Constitution of the Roman Republic |ubicación=Oxford |editorial=Clarendon Press |año=2004 |isbn=0-19-926108-3 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=fT69QgAACAAJ}}
* {{Cita tesis |apellido=Mañas |nombre=Alfonso |título=''Munera Gladiatoria'': Origen del deporte espectáculo de masas |tipo=tesis doctoral |url=https://hera.ugr.es/tesisugr/20513604.pdf |año=2011 |editorial=Universidad de Granada |isbn=978-84-695-1026-1}}
* {{Cita libro |apellido=Mattern |nombre=Susan P. |título=Rome and the Enemy: Imperial Strategy in the Principate |ubicación=Berkeley, California |editorial=University of California Press |año=2002 |isbn=0-520-23683-1 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=tVHqEadNUFYC}}
* {{cita web |apellido=McManus |nombre=Barbara F. |título=Roman Nomenclature |sitioweb=VRoma Proyect |url=http://www.vroma.org/~bmcmanus/roman_names.html |editorial=The College of New Rochelle |mes=noviembre |año=2007 |fechaacceso=26 de febrero de 2019}}
* {{Cita libro |apellido=Millar |nombre=Fergus |título=The Crowd in Rome in the Late Republic |ubicación=Ann Arbor, Míchigan |editorial=University of Michigan Press |año=1998 |isbn=0-472-10892-1 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=cfkNAQAAMAAJ}}
* {{Cita libro |apellido=Mouritsen |nombre=Henrik |título=Plebs and Politics in the Late Roman Republic |ubicación=Cambridge |editorial=Cambridge University Press |año=2001 |isbn=0-521-79100-6 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=8iQQ7Xe2y-wC}}
* {{cita libro |apellido=Nossov |nombre=Konstantin |título=Gladiator: The Complete Guide to Ancient Rome's Bloody Fighters |editorial=Rowman & Littlefield |año=2011 |isbn=0762777338 |url=https://books.google.es/books?id=TAWiCwAAQBAJ}}
* {{Cita libro |apellido=Potter |nombre=David Stone |título=A Companion to the Roman Empire |ubicación=West Sussex |editorial=Blackwell Publishing Limited (John Wiley and Sons) |año=2010 |isbn=1-4051-9918-0 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=g4ZmqsyC5kEC}}
* {{Cita libro |apellido1=Potter |nombre1=David Stone |apellido2=Mattingly |nombre2=D. J. |título=Life, Death, and Entertainment in the Roman Empire |ubicación=Ann Arbor, Míchigan |editorial=University of Michigan Press |año=1999 |isbn=0-472-10924-3 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=FNAiAQAAIAAJ}}
* {{Cita libro |apellido=Richlin |nombre=Amy |título=Pornography and Representation in Greece and Rome |capítulo=Death As Decoration: Scenes of the Arena on Roman Domestic Mosaics |páginas=180-211 |ubicación=Nueva York |editorial=Oxford University Press |año=1992 |isbn=0-19-506723-1 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=3nRm7DfaJvwC}}
* {{Cita libro |apellido=Travis |nombre=Hilary |título=Roman Helmets |nombre2=John |apellido2=Travis |editorial=Amberley Publishing |año=2014 |isbn=9781445638478 |url=https://books.google.es/books?id=jVBpCAAAQBAJ}}
* {{Cita libro |apellido=Welch |nombre=Katherine E. |título=The Roman Amphitheatre: From Its Origins to the Colosseum |ubicación=Cambridge |editorial=Cambridge University Press |año=2007 |isbn=0-521-80944-4 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=zqphhOuZfBYC}}
* {{Cita libro |apellido=Wiedemann |nombre=Thomas |título=Emperors and Gladiators |ubicación=Londres |editorial=Routledge |año=1992 |isbn=0-415-12164-7 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=B7wzXCCsKiQC}}
* {{Cita libro |apellido1=Wisdom |nombre1=Stephen |apellido2=McBride |nombre2=Angus |título=Gladiators: 100 BC - AD 200 |ubicación=Oxford |editorial=Osprey Publishing |año=2001 |isbn=1-84176-299-7 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=EmqEtji6aQsC}}
{{reftermina}}
== Enlaces externos ==
{{commons|Gladiator}}
*
* {{cita web|título=Gladiator |editorial=Ancient History Encyclopedia |url=http://www.ancient.eu.com/gladiator/ |idioma=inglés}}
* {{cita web|título=Gladiators! |editorial=Britannia |url=http://www.durolitum.co.uk/gladiators/ |idioma=inglés}}
* {{cita web|título=Gladiators|sitioweb=Archaeology|editorial=Archaeological Institute of America |url=http://www.archaeology.org/gladiators/ |idioma=inglés}}
{{Control de autoridades}}
[[Categoría:Cultura de la Antigua Roma]]
[[Categoría:Gladiadores| ]]
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