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In the study that popularized impact theory, William Gamson studied 53 social movement organizations that were active between 1800 and 1945, and coded each one for attributes of success and certain other organizational characteristics. Gamson's criterion for success included "New Advantages," or the attainment of organizational goals, and "Acceptance," or being included in national discourse and political circles.

The Collective Goods Criterion is a methodology critical of Gamson's specific definition of success.[1]​ Rather than limiting movement success to attainment of goals, it looks at any advancement in the general category of goods that the agitators demand as success. This has proven to be a more inclusive method, because many movements will increase the well-being of their constituents, only indirectly or in a different form.[2][3]

In "How Social Movements Matter",[4]​ Giugni recommends that in order to combat problems of causality, scholars should conduct studies with large sample sizes, that address a diversity of time periods and places, that examine with equal rigor movement successes and failures, and which control for other societal factors which affect the change being studied.

Major debates

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Channels of protest

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This extremely controversial debate is centered around the efficacy of more radical and disruptive tactics (including targeted violence, riots, or general disorder) as opposed to more mainstream tactics (such as marches, rallies, and political lobbying).

This issue is extremely complex because it seems to be extremely context-dependent. Gamson's original study[5]​ found that disruption did usually lead to movement success; however, it was with certain qualifications. First, the results have to face the striking counterexample of labor unions, which were greatly weakened by violent strikes most of the time.[6][7]​ Furthermore, Gamson found that movements that had already achieved some viability were more likely to use violence. Thus, Gamson concluded that violence in movements is more of a result of strength than a cause of it. This is confirmed by other historical events, which show that violence generally give an advantage to the side that is already ahead, whether it is used by the movement,[8][9][10]​ or by the state.[11][12]​ Nevertheless, the subject remains controversial, and continues to be denied by pluralists.[13]

Organizational vs. external influence

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Scholars have also debated whether social movement organizations ultimately play a significant role in their victories, or whether success is more determined by outside factors. In Gamson's original study, he found that organizational factors play a crucial role.[14]​ This has been confirmed by other studies;[15]​ however, certain qualifications have been made. External support has been shown to have some influence, particularly when elite allies are combined with strong organization.[16]​ This contradiction has inspired scholars to create political mediation theory.[17][18]​ Ultimately, it is hard to avoid a context-dependent answer to this controversy, and scholars are now encouraging an approach which synthesizes organizational influence with others.[19]

Types of impact

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Social movements affect society in many ways. Below are the four most important.

Individual change

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The psychology of the individuals who participate in movements are profoundly affected. Activists connect with others affiliated with their cause, causing new networks to form and shared values to be accentuated.[20]​ They also undergo a process of empowerment, in which they become more apt for further activism.[21][22]

Institutional change

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Non-state institutions can also be targeted and changed by social movements, as is the case for any boycott or divestment campaign.[23]​ Other movements can take place within the workplace itself, as with labor organizing or cooperative movements.[24]​ Scholars have begun analysis of institution-specific campaigns, and have theorized that there are four institutional characteristics which make it vulnerable to change: 1) Rapid growth in terms of money or members, 2) diffuseness or decentralization of organization, 3) strength of links between clients and professionals, and 4) ties to the state.[25]

Cultural

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Culture often becomes a target of social movements when their demands have to do with personal action. Such was the case with the feminist movement, in which organizations put a large amount of resources to books, magazines, art, and other channels of culture; this has been shown to contribute to the shift in family dynamics and institutional structures.[26]

Political

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Political change is the most studied aspect of social movement impacts, and possibly the most hotly contested.[27]​ Some have argued that because democratic governments are completely permeable to the public, social movements can only create inequality in representation;[28]​ however, this view has been discredited.[29][30]

See also

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References

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  1. Amenta and Young, 1999
  2. Graeber, 2007
  3. Piven and Cloward, 1971
  4. Giugni, 1999
  5. Gamson, 1975
  6. Taft and Ross, 1969
  7. Snyder and Kelly, 1974
  8. Piven and Cloward, 1971
  9. Gamson, 1990
  10. Mirowsky and Ross, 1981
  11. Duvall, 2000
  12. Aldon Morris, 1984
  13. Burnstein, 1999
  14. Gamson, 1990
  15. Soule and Olzak, 2004
  16. Soule and Olzak, 2004
  17. Amenta, 2005
  18. Amenta, 2006
  19. Giugni, 1999
  20. Diani, 1997
  21. Hasso, 2001
  22. McAdam, 1999
  23. Gordon and Turner, 2000
  24. Horizontalism, 2006
  25. Moore, 1999
  26. Ferree, 1994
  27. Amenta, 2010
  28. Burnstein, 1999
  29. Gamson, 1990
  30. Amenta, 2010
  • Amenta, Edwin, Neal Caren, and Sheera Joy Olasky. "Age for Leisure? Political Mediation and the Impact of the Pension Movement on U.S. Old-Age Policy" in Readings on Social Movements: Origins, Dynamics, and Outcomes edited by Doug McAdam and David A. Snow, pp. 698–715, University of Chicago Press. 2005.
  • Amenta, Edwin, and Michael P. Young. "Making an impact: Conceptual and methodological implications of the collective goods criterion." In How social movements matter 10: 22. 1999.
  • Amenta, Edwin, and Neal Caren, Elizabeth Chiarello, and Yang Su. "The Political Consequences of Social Movements." Annual Review of Sociology. 36: 287-307. 2010.
  • Amenta, Edwin. When Movements Matter: The Townsend Plan and the Rise of Social Security. Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univ. Press, 2006.
  • Andrews, Kenneth T. "Social Movements and Policy Implementation: The Mississippi Civil Rights Movement and The War on Poverty, 1965 to 1971." in Readings on Social Movements: Origins, Dynamics, and Outcomes edited by Doug McAdam and David A. Snow, pp. 716–734, University of Chicago Press. 2003
  • Andrews, Kennth. Freedom Is a Constant Struggle: The Mississippi Civil Rights Movement and Its Legacy. Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press. 2004.
  • Baumgartner FR, Mahoney C. Social movements, the rise of new issues, and the public agenda. In Meyer et al. 2005, pp. 65–86.
  • Burnstein, Paul. "Social Movements and Public Policy" in How social movements matter edited by Marco Giugni. Vol. 10. University of Minnesota Press, 1999.
  • Burstein, Paul, Sausner S. 2005. "The incidence and impact of policy-oriented collective action: competing views." Sociology Forum 20:403–19
  • Cress, Daniel M., and David A. Snow. "The Outcomes of Homeless Mobilization: The influence of organization, disruption, political mediation, and framing." American Journal of Sociology: 1063-1104. 2000.
  • Della Porta, Donatella della Porta. Policing protest: The control of mass demonstrations in Western democracies. Vol. 6. University of Minnesota Press, 1998.
  • Diani, Mario. "Social movements and social capital: a network perspective on movement outcomes." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 2.2: 129-147. 1997.
  • Duvall, Jack. A Force More Powerful. New York: Palgrave. 2000.
  • Ferree, Myra Marx and Beth B. Hess. Controversy & Coalition: The New Feminist Movement across Three Decades of Change, New York: Twayne Publishers. 1994.
  • Gamson, William. Strategy of Social Protest. Belmont: Wadsworth Publishing Company. 1975.
  • Gamson, William. Strategy of Social Protest: Second Edition. Belmont: Wadsworth Publishing Company. 1990.
  • Goldstone, Jack. "The Weakness of Organization: A new Look at Gamson's The Strategy of Social Protest." American Journal of Sociology 85: 1017-42. 1426-32.
  • Giugni Marco. "Useless protest? A time-series analysis of the policy outcomes of ecology, antinuclear, and peace movements in the United States" 1977–1995. Mobilization 12:53–77. 2007.
  • Giugni, Marco, Doug McAdam, and Charles Tilly. How Social Movements Matter. Minneapolis, MN. The Regents of the University of Minnesota, 1999.
  • Giugni, Marco, and Florence Passy. "Toward a Joint-Effect Approach to Social Movement Outcomes: A Time-series Analysis of the Impact of Ecology, Antinuclear, and Peace Movements in the United States, 1975-1995." 2001.
  • Giugni, Marco G., and Florence Passy. "Contentious politics in complex societies." From contention to democracy. Oxford: Rowman & Littlefield publishers: 81-108. 1998.
  • Gordon, Michael E., and Lowell Turner, eds. Transnational cooperation among labor unions. Vol. 36. Cornell University Press, 2000.
  • Graeber, David. "The Shock of Victory" in Revolutions in Reverse. New York Indymedia. 2007.
  • Hasso, Frances S. 2001. "Feminist Generations? The Long-Term Impact of Social Movement Involvement on Palestinian Women's Lives." in Readings on Social Movements: Origins, Dynamics, and Outcomes edited by * Doug McAdam and David A. Snow, pp. 662–663-675, University of Chicago Press.
  • Luders, Joseph. The Civil Rights Movement and the Logic of Social Change. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010.
  • McAdam, Doug. The biographical impact of activism. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1999.
  • McCammon, Holly J., Courtney Sanders Muse, Harmony D. Newman, and Teresa M. Terrell. 2007. "Movement Framing and Discursive Opportunity Structures: The Political Successes of the U.S. Women's Jury * * * * * Movements." in Readings on Social Movements: Origins, Dynamics, and Outcomes edited by Doug McAdam and David A. Snow, pp. 676–698, University of Chicago Press.
  • Morris, Aldon D. The Origins of the Civil Rights Movement, New York: The Free Press, 1984.
  • Mirowsky, John, and Catherine E. Ross. "Protest group success: The impact of group characteristics, social control, and context." Sociological Focus 14.3: 177-192. 1981.
  • Moore, Kelly. "Political protest and institutional change: The anti-Vietnam War movement and American science." How social movements matter 10: 97. 1999
  • Meyer, David S. "How the Cold War was really won: The effects of the antinuclear movements of the 1980s." How social movements matter 10: 182. 1999
  • Piven, Frances Fox, and Richard Cloward. Regulating the Poor: the Functions of Public Welfare. New York: Vintage. 1971
  • Piven, Frances Fox, and Richard Cloward. Poor People's Movements: Why They Succeed, How They Fail. New York: Vintage. 1977
  • Skocpol T. Diminished Democracy: From Membership to Management in American Civic Life. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. 2003.
  • Snyder, David, and William R. Kelly. "Industrial Violence in Italy, 1878-1903." American Journal of Sociology 82: 131-162. 1976.
  • Soule, Sarah A., and Susan Olzak. "When do movements matter? The politics of contingency and the equal rights amendment." American Sociological Review 69.4: 473-497. 2004.
  • Sitrin, Marina, ed. Horizontalism: Voices of popular power in Argentina. AK Press, 2006.
  • Taft, Philip, and Philip Ross. "American Labor Violence: Its Causes, Character, and Outcome." in Violence in America: Historical and Comparative Perspectives, edited by Hugh D. Graham and Ted R. Gurr, 281-395. New York: Bantam. 1969.